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WILLIAM CAXTON. 



THE BIOGRAPHY 



AND 



TYPOGRAPHY 



WILLIAM CAXTON, 



ENGLAND'S FIRST PRINTER. 



By WILLIAM BLADES. 



SECOND EDITION. 



$efo gotfc: 

SCEIBNER AND WELFOED. 

1882. 






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PREFACE. 




N 1 86 1 was published in quarto 
the first volume of " The Life and 
Typography of William Caxton, 
Ei] gland's First Printer, with evi- 
dence of his typographical con- 
nection with Colard Mansion the 
Printer at Bruges. Compiled from original sources 
by William Blades ; " the second volume appearing 
in 1863. 

In 1877, the year of the Caxton Celebration, a 
condensed edition of Jdie quarto work was issued 
in one volume octavo by Messrs. Triibner & Co. 
In this some alterations and additions rendered 
necessary by recent discoveries were incorporated. 

The same publishers now offer a revised reprint, 
containing all the matter and all the plates of the 
previous octavo issue, with the addition of remarks 



vi PREFACE. 

upon the meaning and origin of Caxton's Device, 
and upon his system of punctuation. 

A real study of our early printed books brings 
with it the knowledge, more or less, of all the arts 
and sciences generally taught in the fifteenth and 
sixteenth centuries. In this lies one of its chief 
attractions to the bibliographer. The invention of 
printing gave new life to all branches of knowledge, 
and if we thoughtfully consider the wonderful effects 
which have proceeded from it — effects far more 
important to mankind than even the discovery of 
steam power, electric power, or any other invention 
— we shall surely feel deeply interested in all that 
concerns its introduction and spread in our own 
country. 





CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER I. 

Caxton's birthplace and parentage — Flemish settlers in the Weald 
of Kent — Eyren = Egges — The families of Canxton and 
Causton — John Caxton of Canterbury — Date of Caxton's birth 
— Usual term of apprenticeship .... page 



CHAPTER II. 

Caxton an apprentice — John Large : his household ; his mayor- 
alty and death ; his widow and her vow — Scenes in London 
during Caxton's apprenticeship — He goes abroad . 7-14 



CHAPTER III. 

Bruges and the Merchant Adventurers — Caxton's position there — 
Journey to London — Fined for not attending the "riding" 
on Lord Mayor's Day — Account of the Merchant Adventurers 
— Caxton appointed Governor ; his duties and emoluments — 
Correspondence between the Mercers Company in London 
and Caxton at Bruges — Trade treaties — Embassy — Marriage 
of the Duke of Burgundy to Margaret of York — Caxton begins 
to translate " Le Recueil " — Caxton as arbitrator — Presented 
with ' ' vins d'honneur " — Edward IV, a fugitive, takes refuge 
in Bruges— Caxton in the service of the Duchess of Bur- 
gundy — Resigns and turns Printer — Caxton's marriage 15-32 



viii CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER IV. 

Literature in the fifteenth century — Libraries of French kings 
and Burgundian princes — Philip the Good — Edward IV. — 
Louis de Bruges — Duke Humphrey — Guild of St. John and of 
St. Luke and their manufacture of hooks — Caxton starts to 
set up printing in England .... 33-38 

CHAPTER V. 

The gradual development of Books —Manuscripts compared Vith 
printed hooks in their technical aspect — Shape of the letters 
— Justification of types — Table of books — Tests by which to 
recognise the dates of undated books . . . 39-4$ 

CHAPTER VI. 

Colard Mansion : his history ; workshop ; landlords ; his printing- 
compared with printing by William Caxton . . 49 -54 

CHAPTER VII. 

Caxton a printer at Westminster — Dates of his first productions 
and evidence of the place and date of production — The 
" Bartholomeus " said to be by Caxton — Printers' errors — 
Wynken de Worde's careless mistakes — Sequence of Caxton's 
books ....... 55-68 

CHAPTER VIII. 

Caxton at Westminster — Position of his press — Not in the Abbey 
— William Pratt — Maude Caxton — Chronological table of all 
the books from the Westminster Press — Caxton as a trans- 
lator — His choice of works to print — His death — His property 
and will — Legacies— His prologues and epilogues — a Yorkist 
— His moralisations— Caxton a linguist and translator — R. 
Atkyns and his forgery — Caxton's portrait — His character 

69-92 

CHAPTER IX. 

Caxton as a master — His men — Peculiarities of his books — The 
paper— Paper-marks — The types — Compositor — Punctuation 
— Pressman— Printing ink — Binder — Rubricator — Illumina- 



CONTENTS. ix 

tor and wood engraver — Early typefounders — B. Franklin — 
Type moulds and punches — Particulars of all the five types, 
together with the titles of the books used for each type — The 
compositors — Pressmen— Bookbinder — Collation . 93-142 

APPENDIX. 

Extracts from records and wardens' accounts of the Mercers' 
Company — Will of Kobert Large— Kecords at Bruges — St. 
Margaret's Church records — Guild of our Lady in same church 
— The treaty of Burgundy — Caxton's marriage certificate 143-166 



Part e. 

DESCRIPTION OE PRINTED BOOKS. 
BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO 1. 

1. The Recuyell of the Histories of Troye. 

2. Le Recueil des histoires de Troyes. 

3. The game and playe of the chesse, moralised. First Edition. 

4. Les fais et prouesses du noble et vaillant chevalier Jason. 

5. Meditacions sur les sept pseaulmes penitenciaulx. 



BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO 2. 
* 

6. Les quatre derrennieres choses. 

7. The history of Jason. 

8. The dictes and sayinges of the Philosophers. First Edition. 

9. Horse ad usum Sarum. 

10. Chaucer's Canterbury Tales. First Edition. 

11. The moral prouerbes ofChrystine. 

12. Propositio Johannis Russell. 

13. Stans puer ad mensam. First Edition. 

14. Parvus Catho. First Edition. 

15. Parvus Catho. Second Edition. 

16. The Horse, the Shepe, and the Ghoos. First Edition. 

17. The Horse, the Shepe, and the Ghoos. Second Edition. 

18. Infancia Saluatoris. 

19. The Temple of Glass. 



CONTENTS. 

20. The Chorle and the Bird. First Edition. 

21. The Chorle and the Bird. Second Edition. 

22. The Temple of Brass, or the Parlement of Fowls. 

23. The Book of Curtesye. First Edition. 

24. Queen Anelida. 

25. Boecius de consolacione. 

26. Cordyale ; or the Four Last Things. 

27. Fratris Laur. Guil. de Saona Margarita. 

28. The dictes and sayinges of the Philosophers. Second Edition. 

29. Indulgence from Pope Sixtus IV. 

30. Parvus et Magnus Catho. Third Edition. 

31. The Mirrour of the World. First Edition. 

32. Reynard the Fox. First Edition. 

33. Tully of olde age. 

34. The game and playe of the chesse. Second Edition. 



BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO 3. 

35. An Advertisement. 

36. Directorium Sacerdotum. First Version. 

37. Horse ad usum Sarum. Second Edition. 

38. Psalterium. 



BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 4 AND 4* 

39. The Chronicles of England. First Edition. 

40. The description of Britain. 

41. Curia Sapientise. 

42. Godfrey of Boloyne. 

43. Indulgence from Sixtus IV. Second Edition. 

44. Indulgence from Sixtus IV. Third Edition. 

45. The Chronicles of England. Second Edition. 

46. Polychronicon. 

47. Pylgremage of the Sowle. 

48. A Vocabulary. 

49. The Festial. First Edition. 

50. Four Sermons. First Edition. 

51. Servitium de Visitatione beatse V. Marias. 

52. Sex Epistolce. 

53. Confessio Amantis. 

54. The Knight of the Tower. 

55. Caton. 

56. The Golden Legende. First Edition. 



CONTENTS. 

57. Death-bed Prayers. 

58. ^Esop. 

59. The Ordre of Chivalrye. 

60. Chaucer's Canterbury Tales. Second Edition. 

61. The Book of Fame. 

62. The Curial. 

63. Troilus and Creside. 

64. The lyf of oure Ladye. 

65. The lyf of Saynte Wenefrede. 

66. Kyng Arthur. 

67. Charles the Great. 

68. Paris and Vienne. 

69. The Golden Legende. Second Edition. 



BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 5. 

70. The booke of good maners. 

71. Speculum Vite Christi. First Edition. 

72. Directorium Sacerdotum. Second Version, First Edition. 

73. Horse ad usum Sarum. Third Edition. 

74. The Royal Book. 

75. Image of Pity. 

76. The doctrynal of Sapyence. 

77. Speculum Vite Christi. Second Edition. 

78. Commemoratio lamentationis B. V. M. 

79. Servitium de Transfiguratione. 

80. Horse ad usum Sarum. Fourth Edition. 



BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 6. 

81. Fayttes of Arms. 

82. Statutes of England. 

83. The gouernayle of Helthe. 

84. Reynard the Fox. Second Edition. 

85. Blanchardyn and Eglantyne. 

86. The four Sons of Aymon. 

87. Directorium Sacerdotum. Second Version, first Edition. 

88. Eneydos. 

89. The dictes and sayinges of the philosophers. Third Edition. 

90. The Mirrour of the Worlde. Second Edition. 

91. Divers Ghostly Matters. 

92. The Fifteen Oes. 



Xll 



CONTENTS. 



93. The Arte and Crafte to know well to dye. 

94. The Book of Cnrtesye. Second Edition. 

95. The Festial. Second Edition. 

96. Four Sermons. Second Edition. 

97. Ars moriendi. 

98. The chastysing of goddes chyldern. 

99. The treatise of Lone. 



POSTHUMOUS AND DOUBTFUL WORKS. 

100. The life of St. Katheryne. 

101. The Golden Legende. Third Edition. 

102. The Siege of Rhodes. 

103. Missale ad usum Sarum. 

104. Bartholomeus de proprietatibus rerum. 

105. Metamorphoses of Ovid. 

106. The life and miracles of Bobert Earl of Oxford. 

107. A ballad. 

The comparative rarity of books printed by Caxton. 



Index. 



Xiv^ 





CHAPTEE I. 



BIRTHPLACE AND PARENTAGE. 




WAS born and lerned myn englissh in 
Kente in the weeld where I doubte not is 
spoken as brode and rude englissh as is in 
ony place of englond." Thus briefly does 
William Caxton record the place of his 
birth and early years, and notwithstand- 
ing prolonged and careful research nothing 
more precise has been ascertained. 

The name of "weald," rendered by Halliwell "forest," or 
" woody country," betokens the nature of the district, which at 
the time of the Conquest, and for centuries after, was covered 
with dense woods where thousands of wild hogs roamed and 
fattened. This extensive tract of country had no legally defined 
boundaries, and one can easily understand how Lambarde, the 
Kentish historian, was so puzzled when he attempted to describe 
it, that he declared it easier to deny altogether the existence of 
the Weald than to define its boundaries with any accuracy. An 
approximate idea of its geographical position may be gained by 
observing that a traveller, starting from Edenbridge, and journey- 
ing through Tunbridge, Marden, Biddenden, and Tenterden to 
the Komney marshes, would pass through its centre. 

A century before Caxton's birth a great change had com- 
menced in the Weald of Kent. Hitherto the wool for which 

A 



2 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

England was famous had been purchased by merchants and 
carried over to Flanders, for the purpose of being made into 
cloth, which was brought back for sale in England. Edward 
III, struck by the wealth and power which accrued to Elanders 
from the cloth manufacture established there, determined to try 
the experiment of establishing a factory in England. 

The Weald, covered as it then was with forests, was of little 
value as land ; and hither, aided in his design by the sanguinary 
feuds at that time raging among the trade guilds of the Low 
Countries, the King induced about eighty respectable Flemish 
families to migrate and carry on the manufacture of cloth in 
the country which produced the wool. Exempt from taxation, 
and favoured by the royal patronage and many special privileges, 
the colony throve and grew rapidly. The Flemish settlers soon 
became naturalised, and increased in wealth and influence year 
by year ; so that in the fifteenth century " their trade was of 
great importance, and exercised by persons who possessed most 
of the landed property in the weald." Thus writes Hasted in 
1778, and adds, "Insomuch that almost all the antient families 
of these parts, now of large estates, are sprung from ancestors 
who have used this staple manufacture." 

We read Caxton's narrative of his birth in a new light, when 
we bear in mind that the inhabitants of the Weald had a strong- 
admixture of Flemish blood in their best families, and that cloth 
was their chief and, probably, only manufacture. We under- 
stand why the Kentish dialect was so broad and rude, and we 
enter more heartily into the amusing anecdote in Caxton's 
preface to the " Eneydos," where he tells of the good wife of 
Kent who knew what the Flemish word " eyren " meant, but 
understood not the English word " eggs." " Certayn mar- 
chaunts," says Caxton, " were in a ship in tamyse for to have 
sayled over the see into zelande, and for lacke of wynde thei 
taryed atte forlond . and wente to lande for to refreshe them 
And one of theym named sheffelde a mercer cam in to an hows 
and axed for mete . and specyally he axed after eggys And the 
good wyf answerde . that she coude speke no frenshe. And the 
marchaunt was angry . for he also coude speke no frenshe . but 
wolde have hadde egges, and she understode hym not, And 



BIRTHPLACE AND PARENTAGE. 3 

thenne at last a nother sayd that he wolde have eyren, then the 
good wyf sayd that she understod hym wel." Dr. Pegge, in his 
" Alphabet of Kenticisms," gives " eiren " as the equivalent of 
" eggs " in the Kentish dialect of old English ; and in any Dutch 
dictionary may be read : Eie, an egg ; pi eyren. 

Here, then, in some rural homestead, surrounded by people 
who spoke English " not to be understonden," was Caxton born. 
Kentish historians, anxious to localise the honour of having 
given birth to so famous a man, claim the ancient manor of 
Caustons, near Hadlow, in the Weald of Kent, as the original 
seat of the Caxton family. In the fifteenth century the name 
Caxton was usually pronounced Cauxkon or Cawston, the letter 
a having a broad sound, and the u being frequently inserted 
after it. Numerous instances are given in the " Archseologia 
Cantiana," Vol. V, of names of Kentish towns having this 
broad pronunciation. Thus Francklyn occurs in old deeds as 
Frauncklyn ; Mailing as Mauling, and Wanting as Waunting. 
The letters s and x were often interchanged, and so Caxton 
writes Alisaunder for Alexander, while to ask appears in the 
"Chess Book" as to axe. We may further note that Caxton, 
in Cambridgeshire, is spelt in old documents, Causton, and, 
in the records of the Mercers' Company, a certain Thomas 
Cacston appears as one of the liverymen appointed to welcome 
King Edward IV on his entry into London, and is immediately 
after entered as Thomas Cawston. Many years before Caxton's 
birth, the manor of Caustons had been alienated from the 
Caxton family, by whom it had long been held ; and although 
some offshoots may have remained in the neighbourhood, the 
most important branch appears to have taken root in Essex, 
and there adopted the name of the old Kentish hundred for 
their new residence ; for among the wills now preserved at 
Somerset House is that of Johannes Cawston, of Hadlow 
Hall, Essex, dated 1490. Nothing, however, of interest can 
be gleaned from it. 

We therefore conclude that William Caxton probably de- 
scended from the old stock of the Caustons, who owned the 
manor of Caustons, near Hadlow, in the Weald of Kent. The 
evidence is not strong, but yet there is no other locality in 



WILLIAM CAXTON. 



0©O 



the Weald in which can be traced the slightest connection, 
either verbal or otherwise, with the family. 

Caxton's pedigree is quite unknown, no trace of any of his 
relatives, except a married daughter, having been discovered. 
The "William Caxton" who was buried in 1478, in the church 
of St. Margaret, Westminster, is asserted by some biographers 
to have been the father of our printer. This may be possible ; 
but no relationship can be assumed from mere identity of 
name, for Caxtons, Caustons, or Cauxtons are to be found in 
many parts of England during 
the fourteenth and fifteenth 
centuries. William de Caxtone 
owned a house in the parish of 
St. Mary Abchurch, London, in 
131 1 : a man of the same name 
paid his tax to the City authori- 
ties in 1 44 1 : and there was a 
family of Caxtons famous for 
centuries as merchants at Nor- 
wich, who used as their trade-mark three Cakes and a Tun. 
The will of Robert Caxton, alias Causton, is preserved at 
Canterbury ; and at Sandwich, Tuxford, Newark, Beckenham, 
Westerham, and frequently in the early records of London does 
the name appear. The will of John Caxton, of Canterbury, 
likewise still exists : he was " of the parish of St. Alphage, 
Mercer," and left to the church some wooden " deskys," upon 
which the following device may still be seen. 





AVhen was Caxton born? To this question a more satis- 



BIRTHPLACE AND PARENTAGE. 5 

factory answer can be given, for the date of his apprenticeship 
has fortunately been preserved in the records of the Mercers' 
Companjr. It has generally been assumed that 141 2 was the 
date of his birth, upon the sole ground that Caxton himself 
complained, in 147 1, that he was growing old and weak, from 
which the inference has been drawn that he must then have 
seen at least sixty years. That this date, however, must be 
advanced is proved by the following extract from the earliest 
volume of the "Wardens' Accounts" in the Archives of the 
Mercers' Company. The entry occurs in a list of fees for the 
binding and enrolment of apprentices "pur Ian deunt passe 
cest assauoir des Fest cle Saynt John Bap te Ian xvj du Roy 
Henr sisme;" that is, "for the year last passed that is to say 
from the Feast of St. John Baptist in the 16th year of King 
Henry VI [June 24, 1438]," and is literally as follows : — 

Entres des Appntices. 

Item John large, ) les appntices de .... 

Item Will'm Caxston, ) Robert Large ^ S 

We have here recorded the interesting fact that in 1438 
Caxton was apprenticed to Robert Large. It is the first 
genuine date in his life with which we are acquainted, and 
affords us a starting-point from which can be reckoned, with 
some degree of certainty, the date of his birth. 

The age of twenty-one has always been considered as the 
period when a man arrives at his legal majority ; but in the 
fifteenth century there was also what may be termed the civic 
majority, which was not attained until three years later. This 
custom prevailed to the end of the seventeenth century; for 
in 1693 an Act of Common Council was passed enjoining the 
Chamberlain to ascertain that every candidate for admission to 
the freedom of the City had " reached the full age of twenty- 
four." The phrase " quousque ad etatem suam xxiiij annorum 
peruenerit," so commonly found in old wills, refers to this 
custom ; and in view of it the indenture of an apprentice was 
always so drawn that on the commencement of his twenty-fifth 
year he might issue from his apprenticeship. This necessarily 
caused a considerable variation in the length of servitude, which 



6 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

ranged according to the age of the youth, from seven years, 
the shortest term, to fourteen years. In the Archives of the 
Corporation of London (Lib. Dunthorne, 3986) is recorded a 
case brought before the Court of Aldermen in the year 145 1. 
William Skydmore was apprenticed to Thomas Falkener, 
Citizen and Mercer, of London, for the term of fourteen years ; 
but Thomas Falkener having died, and the widow being unable 
to instruct Skydmore in his trade, and moreover keeping him 
badly clothed and worse fed, he appealed to the Court to 
discharge him from his apprenticeship. To this request, after 
inquiry, the Court acceded. 

Taking the "entries" and "issues" in the Mercers' records 
as a guide, ten years appears to have been the term most usual 
in the fifteenth century; but if we calculate his servitude to 
have lasted but seven years, Caxton could not have been more 
than seventeen years of age when apprenticed, and would there- 
fore have been born not later than the year 142 1. That he 
was not much younger is evident from the position he had 
gained for himself at Bruges only eleven years after he entered 
his apprenticeship, when he was accepted as surety for a sum 
equal to ^1500 at the present day; so that we cannot be far 
wrong if we assume 1422-3 as the date of his birth. 



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CHAPTER II. 



v£si. 




/I AT APPRENTICESHIP. 

AXTON tells us, in his prologue to "Charles 
the Great," that, previously to his appren- 
ticeship, he had been to school, but whether 
in Kent or in London he does not say. 
He only thanks his parents for their kind 
foresight in giving him a good education, 
by which he was enabled in after years to 
earn an honest living. No other particulars of his early history 
being known, we will pass at once to the year 1438, and imagine 
him, fresh from the Weald, already installed in the household 
of Alderman Large, and duly invested with all the rights and 
privileges of a London apprentice. 

When we remember how many of these apprentices were 
young men about four-and-twenty years of age, we can readily 
believe that very strict rules were required to keep them within 
bounds, and that when they did break loose it was sometimes 
beyond the combined power of all the city authorities to restrain 
them. The Evil May Day, as it was called, in 15 17, when the 
apprentices rose against the foreigners, especially the French, 
and, notwithstanding the efforts of the Lord Mayor and alder- 
men, ravaged the City, burning houses and killing many persons, 
is recorded by the old chroniclers. The day was long remem- 
bered by the masters with fear, and by the apprentices with 
pride — although twelve of the latter ignominiously perished by 
the hands of the hangman after the suppression of the riot by 
the King's troops. 



8 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

The master's duties to his apprentice were to feed him, clothe 
him, and teach him well and truly his art and craft. Failing 
the fulfilment of these duties, the apprentice could, on com- 
plaint and proof shown before the Court of Aldermen, have his 
indentures cancelled, or be turned over to another master. On 
the other side, the apprentice made oath to serve his master 
well and truly, to keep all his secrets, to use no traffic on his 
own account, and to obey all lawful commands. 

The London merchants of those days were very exclusive 
in their reception of apprentices, and perhaps none of them 
more so than the Mercers, who took precedence of all the City 
companies. The leading men of the great companies, as was 
natural, apprenticed their sons to one another, and thus the 
family names of Caxton's fellow-apprentices are the names also 
of the wardens, and the most substantial citizens of the period. 
The family name of " Caxton " does not, indeed, figure among 
those of the City magnates, but William Caxton's admission to 
the household of one of London's most eminent merchants, and 
his being apprenticed at the same time as his master's son, go 
far to prove the family to have been well connected. In one 
case only does there seem a probability of relationship. The 
records of the Mercers' Company contain many notices of the 
"entries" and "issues" of apprentices, and in 1447 it is re- 
corded that one Richard Caxton finished his term of servitude 
with John Harrowe, whose son was one of the apprentices of 
Robert Large at the same time as William Caxton. Large and 
Harrowe were fellow Mercers, and evidently on friendly terms, 
so that it is probable the two young Caxtons were of the same 
family. 

Robert Large, Caxton's master, was one of the richest and 
most influential merchants in the City. He was a Mercer, and 
the son of a Mercer, and a native of the City of London. In 
1430 he filled the office of Sheriff, and in 1439-40 that of Lord 
Mayor. The Mercers' Company was then, as now, the oldest 
chartered company in existence, and among its members were 
comprised the merchants of highest standing in the City. It 
paid more money to the king's revenue, sent to a "riding" 
more well-mounted men, spent larger sums on its "liveries," 



Plate I. 

om Aggas's Map of London, showing the House of Alderman Large, 
'.don's Master (marked \). The Arms of Large in right hand corner. 




AN APPRENTICESHIP. 9 

and yielded from its ranks more sheriffs and mayors than any 
two City companies besides. Large was elected " Gardein " 
(the old term for Warden) in 1427, and appears to have made 
himself very popular, if we may judge from the unusual ex- 
penditure on the Lord Mayor's Day when he succeeded to the 
mayoralty. Carriages not having yet come into use, the pro- 
cession to Westminster was on horseback, the Mercers on that 
occasion riding in new robes, preceded hj sixteen trumpeters, 
blowing silver trumpets purchased for the occasion. A few 
liverymen who absented themselves were heavily fined. 

The house in which Alderman Large resided no doubt pre- 
sented a great contrast to Caxton's home in the Weald. It 
stood at the north end of the Old Jewry, and appears to have 
been a very ancient and extensive mansion. Stow, writing in 
1598, gives a curious account of its vicissitudes, and sums up 
its history thus : — " sometime a Jews' Synagogue, since a house 
of friars, then a nobleman's house, after that a merchant's house, 
wherein mayoralties have been kept, but now a wine tavern." 
Large resided there until his death. 

The household of Avhich Caxton had become a member con- 
sisted of at least eighteen persons, exclusive of domestic servants 
— Alderman Robert Large and his second wife Johanna ; four 
sons, Robert, Thomas, Richard, and John, all under age (24 
years), the last being bound apprentice at the same time as 
Caxton; two daughters, Alice and Elizabeth, both under age 
(21 years); two "servants," or men who had served their 
apprenticeship, and eight apprentices. Large did not long 
survive his mayoralty. His will is dated April nth, 1441, 
and he died on the 24th of the same month. He was buried 
in St. Olave's, Old Jewry, in the same grave as his first wife 
Elizabeth, and their monument, with the following inscription, 
existed in the time of Stow : — " Hie requiescat in Gratia et 
misericordia Dei, Robertus Large, quondam Mercerus et Maior 
istius civitatis." A copy of Large's will is preserved in the 
Principal Registry of the Court of Probate at Somerset House. 
From it we learn that he owned the manor of Horham, in Essex, 
and that he left various sums to the parish churches of Shake- 
ston, Aldestre, and Overton, where some of his relatives were 



io WILLIAM CAXTON. 

buried. It would have been interesting to find that Large had 
a family connection with Caxton's native county ; but although 
no trace of this can be discovered, it is remarkable that two of 
his apprentices should have had Kentish names, Caxton being 
merely another form of Causton, a manor near Hadlow, and the 
hundred of Strete being represented by Caxton's fellow-appren- 
tice, Randolph Streete. He left liberal bequests to his parish 
church of St. Olave, Old Jewry, and for religious purposes 
generally, as well as considerable sums for the completion of a 
new aqueduct then in course of construction, for the repair of 
London Bridge, for cleansing the watercourse of Walbrook, for 
marriage portions of poor girls, for relief of domestic servants, 
and for the use of various hospitals of London, among which 
may be noticed " Bedleem," Bishopsgate Without, St. Thomas 
of Southwark, and the Leper Houses at " Hakeney-les-lokes." 
Among the many bequests in Large's will, the following are 
worthy of notice as showing the names and approximate ages 
of Caxton's fellow apprentices, of whom he appears, both by the 
order in which he is mentioned, and by the dates in the Mercers' 
records, to have been the youngest. 

Richard Bonyf aunt (issued 1 440) ...50 marks. 

Henry Okmanton (entered 1434)... 50 pounds. 

Robert Dedes ( )...2o marks. 

Christopher Heton (issued 1443)... 20 pounds. 

William Caxton (entered 143 7)... 20 marks. 

Besides the above there were Randolph Streete, who issued 
in the same year as that in which Caxton was bound, Thomas 
Neche, who issued in 1440, and John Harrowe, who issued in 
1443. These are all entered in the Mercers' books as " appiitices 
de Rob*- Large." 

Before proceeding with the account of Caxton, we may here 
briefly state what is known of the subsequent history of the 
family in which he lived. Mistress Large (whose son Richard 
Turnat, by her first husband, is mentioned in Large's will) was 
now again a widow, with a large fortune of her own and the 
care of two stepsons, each of whom was also well provided for. 
Her second bereavement appears for a time to have affected her 



AN A PPRENTICESHIP. 1 1 

most deeply. Over the body of her deceased husband she thus 
solemnly and publicly vowed to devote the remainder of her 
days to charity and chastity : — " I, Johanna, that was sometime 
the wife of Robert Large, make mine avow to God and the 
high blissful Trinity, to our Lady Saint Mary, and to all the 
blissful company of Heaven, to live in chastity and cleanness of 
my body from this time forward as long as my life lasteth, and 
never to take other spouse but only Christ Jesu." At the same 
time a ring was placed upon her wedding finger, and a coarse 
brown veil thrown over her by the priest. Her celibacy was 
not, however, of long duration, as in about three years she 
married for the third time, as we learn from the following quaint 
entry in the second edition of Stow's " Survey of London." 
Writing of John Gedney, Lord Mayor in 1427, he says, "This 
Godnay in the yeare 1444 wedded the widdow of Robert Large 
late Maior, which widdow had taken the Mantell and ring, and 
the vow to Hue chast to God tearme of her life, for the breach 
whereof, the marriage done they were troubled by the Church, 
and put to penance, both he and she." 

All the children mentioned by Large in his will were by 
Elizabeth, his first wife. Robert and Thomas did not long 
survive their father ; John died soon after the expiration of 
his apprenticeship, which, as we have seen, was contempo- 
raneous with that of Caxton, and his name, accordingly, does 
not occur in Large's will. Richard, the sole survivor, suc- 
ceeded, as was his father's wish, to all the property devised to 
his two elder brothers, and his claims were allowed by the 
Court of Aldermen on his " attaining his age of 24 years " in 
the year 1444. Large's daughter Alice does not appear to 
have claimed her patrimony on arriving at her majority ; she 
therefore, in all probability, died previously; but Elizabeth 
married soon after her father's death, and her husband, Thomas 
Eyre, son of the Lord Mayor, received her dowry in 1446. 

The three years which Caxton passed as apprentice with 
Large were very eventful, and, as it was during this period 
that he must have received his most vivid impressions of life, 
it may not be amiss to take a rapid glance at a few of the 
events which agitated the minds of the people. Caxton, no 



12 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

doubt, was witness of the great jousts in Smithfield in 1438, 
which lasted three weeks, and are so graphically described in 
one of the Lansdowne Manuscripts in the British Museum 
(No. 285), and his intense love for knightly sports may have 
there been first developed. But though sights of knights at 
tournaments were to be seen for nothing, common bread was 
very dear, and many deaths from starvation occurred in the 
same year. An old chronicle tells us that, "Men ate rye 
bread and barly, and bred mad of benes, peses, and fetches : 
and wel were hym that myghte haue ynowe thereof." In his 
own additions to the " Polycronicon " Caxton is more than 
usually minute in his record of the events which occurred 
during the time of his apprenticeship. Speaking of this year, 
he recounts that " Corne was soo skarce that in some places 
poure peple made hem brede of fern rotes." This makes one 
cease to wonder at tumults and rebellion, and possibly some 
chord of pity was struck in Caxton's breast when certain men 
from his native county of Kent, called " Eisers," were beheaded, 
and the heads of five of them were stuck on poles and left 
to rot over the southern gateway of London Bridge. In 1439 
Large was elected Mayor, and at his "riding" to Westminster 
and back, all his apprentices no doubt assisted to swell the 
shout in honour of their master, and to drink the wine which 
flowed freely from the conduits. But ere that year was ended 
a sad spectacle was seen on Tower Hill, when Richard Wyche, 
Vicar of Deptford, an old man of eighty years of age, was 
burnt for Lollardism. An old chronicler, at the end of his 
account of this martyrdom, adds, " for the which Sir Richard 
was made grete mone among the comyn peple ; " and well they 
might moan, for his love and charity had won for him the 
strongest affection among the poor. He was first degraded 
" at Powly's," and then taken away to Tower Hill, where he 
was roasted alive over a slow fire. The excitement among the 
people was intense, and on the night of this event all the 
watches throughout the city were doubled, so great were the 
fears entertained of a general rising. The impression made 
on the mind of Caxton by this event may be gathered from 
liis own relation: — "This yere Syr Rychard wiche, vycary of 



AN APPRENTICESHIP. 13 

hermettesworth was degrated of his prysthode, at powlys, and 
brente at toure hylle as for an heretyk on saynt Botolphus day, 
how wel at his deth, he deyde a good crysten man, wherefore 
after his dethe moche people cam to the place where he hadde 
ben brente, and offryd and made a heepe of stones, and sette 
vp a crosse of tree, and helde hym for a saynt till the mayer 
and shreves, by commaundement of the kynge and bisshops 
destroyed it, and made there a donghyll." Another grievous 
event appears, in the following year, to have excited the com- 
passion of our young apprentice. On three alternate days 
Eleanor Chobham, the beautiful wife of Duke Humphrey, was 
landed on the banks of the Thames, and, accompanied by the 
mayor, sheriffs, and guilds of the city, walked to St. Paul's 
barefooted, clad in a white sheet, and holding a taper, as 
a penance for her presumed sorceries with the witch of Eye. 
Caxton has narrated this at unusual length. There were great 
tournaments again this year in the Tower, as well as a despe- 
rate fight between the citizens and a body of courtiers, for 
which the former, although first invaded and then attacked, 
were heavily fined by the king. The old chronicler describes 
the fray as " a great debate by the night time, where through 
shots of bows there were many hurt foul and slain." But the 
chief event of this period, considered in its bearing upon 
Caxton's destiny, was the conclusion of a three years' peace 
between England and Flanders. This, coupled with the ter- 
mination of the war which had raged furiously between Holland 
and Zealand and Hamburgh, was probably a material cause in 
determining Caxton's departure from England. 

We do not know what were the exact duties which devolved 
upon Caxton during his apprenticeship ; but as an assistant to 
Large, who had extensive connections, and was doubtless in 
frequent correspondence with Bruges, the great centre of English 
commerce abroad, he must have obtained considerable insight 
into the customs of foreign trade, and become personally known 
to many Flemish merchants, who, when in London, would pro- 
bably stay in Large's house. 

We must not forget that Caxton was not released from his 
indentures by the death of his master. If he wished to con- 



i 4 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

tinue his career as a merchant, whether in England or abroad, 
he was obliged to serve out his apprenticeship ; and that he did 
so we gather from his admission in after years to the livery of 
the Mercers' Company. Executors were bound to provide the 
apprentices of a deceased trader with a new home ; and it would 
seem that the original master might appoint a new master by 
his will, or of his own accord assign the apprentice during his 
lifetime, without making the apprentice himself a party to the 
assignment. So far as we know, Large made no arrangement 
of this kind ; and it appears probable that the usual course of 
providing a new master for the bereaved apprentice was adopted 
by the executors in Caxton's case. Moreover, it was not un- 
common for young men in his position to be sent to some 
foreign town to obtain experience in trade. Wheeler says, 
"The Merchants Adventurers send their yong men, sonnes, and 
servantes or apprentices, who for the most parte are Gentlemens 
sonnes, to the Marte Townes beyonde the seas, there to learne 
good facions and knowledge in trade." "Whether Caxton left 
England by his own desire, or at the instance of his new master, 
or by the invitation of a foreign friend, is unknown * but that 
he took up his abode in the Low Countries, and probably at 
Bruges, in 1441, the year in which his first master died, we 
gather from his own words in the prologue to " The Eecuyell," 
where he states that he had then, in 147 1, been abroad for 
thirty years. Thither probably he carried with him no more 
than the twenty marks (equal to about ^150 at the present 
day) bequeathed to him by Alderman Large. 





CHAPTER III. 



CAXTON ABROAD. 




HE City of Bruges had long been not only 
the seat of government of the Dukes of 
Burgundy, but also the metropolis of trade 
for all the neighbouring countries. Thither 
resorted merchants from all parts of Europe, 
certain of finding there the best market 
for their wares. English traders especially 
abounded, having been greatly favoured by Philip the Good, 
who had been almost from a child brought up in the Court of 
England, and who in 1446 gave great privileges to the Merchant 
Adventurers under the name of The English Nation, hj which 
title they were ever after commonly known in foreign parts. 
So greatly were the Duke's dominions indebted to the trade in 
wool and cloth with England, that Philip the Good, when he 
instituted in 1429 a new Order of Knighthood, adopted for its 
title and badge " The Golden Fleece." The " Athenaeum " for 
December 5th, 1863, gives a curious account of the choice of 
this name. "Philip, wearied with suggestions for the name 
and badge of his new Order, at last said it might be named in 
some reference to the season of the year in which the matter 
had been discussed. That season included the months of July, 
August, September, October, and November. As the initial 
letters of those months (the same in French and Dutch as in 
English) made the word Jason, the name of the Hero of the 
Golden Fleece, the conclusion was hilariously arrived at that 
the new Order should be named accordingly." 



1 6 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

Caxton issued out of his apprenticeship about 1446, and be- 
came a freeman of his guild, though, as this happened abroad, no 
notice of it occurs in the Company's books. It would appear 
that he immediately entered into business on his own account, 
and that he prospered, for in 1450 we find him in Bruges, and 
so far successful as to be thought sufficient security for the 
sum of ;£no sterling, more than equal to ^1500 now. This 
appears from the following curious law proceedings preserved in 
the Archives of the City of Bruges. William Craes, an English 
merchant, in the year 1450, sued in the Town Hall of Bruges, 
before the burgomasters, merchants, and councillors of the city, 
John Selle and William Caxton, both English merchants, for 
a sum of money. William Craes deposed that John Granton, 
of the Staple at Calais, was indebted to him in the sum of 
;£iro sterling, for which the said John Selle and William 
Caxton had become sureties, and that the said John Granton 
having departed from the city without payment made, he, the 
said Craes, had caused his sureties to be arrested. The de- 
fendants admitted that they were the sureties for John Granton, 
but pleaded that as Granton was very rich, complainant should 
wait and look to him for payment, if indeed the money had 
not been already paid. Judgment was given by Eoeland de 
Yos and Guerard le Groote in favour of the complainant, the 
defendants having to give security for the sum demanded, but 
it was also decreed that if John Granton on his return to Bruges 
should prove payment previously to his departure, the com- 
plainant should then pay a fine double in amount to that of the 
sum claimed. 

We learn from their records that the Mercers were, at this 
period, engaged in a considerable trade with the Low Countries, 
but this soon after received a check from an edict of the Duke 
of Burgundy which prohibited the importation of all English 
cloths. The item in the Mercers' accounts — "To Eichard Burgh 
for bearing of a letter over the sea, 6s Sd " — probably refers to 
this, although from the small sum paid in comparison with 
several similar entries, it may be inferred that he was not a 
special messenger, but that he took charge of the letter, having 
to go to Bruges on his own account. 



CAXTON ABROAD. ij 

The date when Caxton was admitted to the freedom of his 
Company does not appear, but it was doubtless shortly after 
he had issued from his apprenticeship. It must have occurred 
before 1453, for in that year he made a journey from Bruges 
to London, accompanied by Richaert Burgh and Esmond Rede- 
knape, when all three were admitted to the Livery of the 
Mercers' Company, a privilege to which the admission to the 
freedom was a necessary step. Like Caxton, Burgh and Rede- 
knape were probably English traders settled at Bruges : Rede- 
knape was most likely a relative of the W. Redeknape of 
London, who appears farther on as a merchant trading with 
Bruges, and we have already noticed Burgh as the bearer of a 
letter to that city. We may likewise remark that the usual 
fees on their taking up the livery seem to have been remitted, 
the whole entry in the volume of accounts being erased by 
the pen. The Mercers' accounts of the same year show 
charges for sending two letters to the Duchess of Burgundy, 
who was not above trading in cloth on her own account, with 
the special privilege from her brother, Edward IV, of being 
freed from the payment of import and export duties. In 
1453 Geoffrey Felding, Mercer, was mayor, and the names of 
William Caxton, Ric. Burgh, Thos. Bryce, and William Pratt 
appear, charged with fines of 3s. ^d. each for not attending at 
his riding (quils fautent de chiuachier ouesque le mair). 

As an English merchant residing in Bruges, Caxton would 
necessarily be subject to the laws and regulations of the 
Chartered Company called the Merchant Adventurers, whose 
Governor had control over all English and Scotch traders in 
those parts. All foreign trade was then carried on by means 
of Trading Guilds. These associations, which occupy a promi- 
nent position in the early history of European commerce, had 
in most cities a common place of residence, and were governed 
by laws and charters granted on one side by the government of 
their own country, and on the other side by the government of 
the country in which they had settled. They appear to have 
originated in a common necessity. The trader in a foreign 
country was always an object of suspicion to the inhabitants, 
and often found himself restricted by its laws as to the articles 

B 



1 8 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

he should buy or sell, and to the prices he should give or 
receive. These laws being frequently unjust and subversive of 
all legitimate trade, besides being often strained to the great 
injury of individuals, it was found expedient for all traders in 
foreign lands to unite, and by combined action to secure that 
recognition of their rights which the individual could not 
obtain. Hence arose the Association of Merchant Adventurers, 
which consisted of English merchants, who ventured their 
goods in foreign markets. The Mercers, whose foreign trade far 
exceeded that of all other Companies, appear to have originated 
this Association in the thirteenth century, under the name of 
the Guild or Fraternity of St. Thomas-a-Becket, and to have 
retained the principal management of its affairs until their 
disconnection in the sixteenth century. Although Grocers, 
Drapers, Fishmongers, and several other trade guilds yielded 
their quota of members, and added their influence when 
support was needed, yet there were more Mercers among the 
Merchant Adventurers than liverymen of any other company ; 
the meetings of the Association at their headquarters in 
London were held in Mercers' Hall, and their transactions 
entered in the same minute-book with those of the Mercers' 
Company itself until 1526, when they became entirely inde- 
pendent, although the last link was not severed until the 
Great Fire of London in 1666 destroyed the office which the 
Merchant Adventurers held of the Mercers under their Hall. 
It appears, however, from the records of the Founders' Com- 
pany, that the Merchant Adventurers became their tenants 
in 1565; that the Founders borrowed a large sum of money 
from them, for which, in 1647, ^200 was paid for interest; 
and that in 1683 the Founders leased the Sising Room and the 
Gown Room of their new Hall in Lothbury to the Merchant 
Adventurers for £16 per annum. Several charters were granted 
by English kings to the " Adventurers " in various parts of 
Europe for their internal government. In 1407, Henry IV 
granted authority to the English merchants in Holland, Flan- 
ders, Prussia, and other States, to assemble and elect governors, 
with power to rule all English merchants repairing thither, 
and to make reasonable ordinances. Henry VI renewed these 



CAXTON ABROAD. 19 

powers in 1444. On the accession of the House of York, the 
Mercers consulted the City Recorder and " Rigby " respecting 
their Corporation, and by the statute 1 Ed. IV, c. i., passed 
for confirming the titles of those who held under grants of any 
of the three preceding kings, therein described as "in fact and 
not in right " kings of England, all grants to the wardens of the 
Mercers were specially confirmed. The Merchant Adventurers 
now obtained a larger charter, dated April 16th, 1462, which 
Hakluyt calls " The Merchant Adventurers' Patent," for the 
better government of the English merchants residing in Bra- 
bant, Flanders, &c, and under its provisions William Obray was 
appointed "Governor of the English Merchants" at Bruges. 

Whether Obray died about this time is not known, but he 
does not appear to have acted long in his new capacity, for 
between June 24th, 1462, and June 24th, 1463, the Mercers' 
books record that William Caxton was performing the official 
duties of governor, and was in correspondence not only with 
the wardens of the Mercers' Company, but also with the Lord 
Chancellor, writing to both about the best method of regulating 
the buying of ware at Bruges. The charge for boathire incurred 
by the wardens in delivering Caxton's letter to the Lord Chan- 
cellor is thus entered in the annual accounts : — 

Item for botehyre for to shewe to ye lords of ye cousell the l're 

y 1 came from Caxton & ye felaship by yond ye See vj d. 

When Caxton's name next appears in the Mercers' books 
there is no doubt of his position, as he is addressed by the 
title of " governor." It was one of the duties of the governor 
at Bruges by his " correctors " to see that all goods exported 
to England were of just weight and measure, and at a Court 
of Adventurers, held in Mercers' Hall on August 16th, 1465, 
William Redeknape, William Hende, and John Sutton com- 
plained that they had received both cloth and lawn deficient 
in breadth as well as length ; whereupon it was decided that 
a letter should be despatched to " William Caxton, Governor 
beyond the Sea," for reformation of the abuse. This being an 
unusually interesting entry, we quote it here as it is on folio cxl. 
of the original minute-book : — 



20 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

Ao xiiijc lxv°. Courte of aventurers holden the xvj daye of August 
the yere aboue written. 

ffor euell mesure ffor asmuche as Will™ Redeknape Will hende 

of cloth & lawne. & John Sutton w l other couiplayne as well for 

lak of mesure in all white clothe and brown 
clothe as in brede of the same/ and in lykewise 
in lawne nyvell & purpell hit is accorded that a 
letter shal be made to Will m Caxton gouno r by 
yonde the see as well for refourmacion of the 
p'sidentes as other &c. 

A lettre of the same and other was sent by henry 
Bomsted the iiij th day of September A R s E. iiijti 
iiijt°. 

Whether Henry Bomsted was a special courier does not 
appear; but the same year another letter was sent at a cost 
representing more than ^15 at the present day, and entered 
thus : — 

Item to Jenyne Bakker, Currour for berying a letter 

to Caxton ovir ye see xviiij s viij d 

Caxton being now established in the city of Bruges, in the 
influential position of Governor of the English Nation in the 
Low Countries, it may be as well to take a brief survey of his 
duties and emoluments at this period. These are expressly 
laid down in the charter already noticed, granted only two 
years before. The governor had full power to govern by him- 
self or deputies all merchants and mariners, to make such minor 
regulations for the conduct of trade (not contrary to the Inter- 
national Treaties) as seemed needful, to decide all quarrels, and 
to pass sentence in a court composed of himself as governor and 
twelve justicers to counsel and advise him ; the justicers to be 
chosen by the " common merchants and mariners," subject to 
his approval, six sergeants being allowed "to do the executions 
and arrests of the said court." He was to appoint at pleasure 
correctors and brokers to witness all bargains, as well as folders 
and packers to make up the packs of the merchants (who were 
not allowed to pack their own goods, lest any prohibited articles 
should be included), and he was to be present at the unpacking 
of goods newly arrived. No parcel was to leave the city with- 
not being sealed. The officers were paid by a fee charged on 



Plate II. 



The House in ivhkh Oaxtvn lived at Bruges. 




CAXTON ABROAD. 21 

packing or unpacking every pack : the governor being paid at 
the rate of 2d. for every pack sealed for exportation, and id. for 
every bargain witnessed by his deputies, besides several smaller 
levies which are not mentioned in the charter, except under the 
term "accustomed dues." From all this it will be seen that 
the governor ruled over his countrymen with almost unlimited 
authority. His duties must at times have been very onerous, 
involving much responsibility, and requiring talents of no mean 
order. To him likewise would be made all communications 
from the Government under which they lived, and to his diplo- 
matic skill and influence would be due to a large extent the 
comfort or discomfort of all the English residents. 

By the charter Obray would appear to have been the nominee 
of the king himself, but this was only a form, as the custom 
seems to have been for the Court of the Adventurers to recom- 
mend "a fit person" to the king, who thereupon appointed 
him. The following example will show in whose hands the 
executive power really resided : — The name of John Pykering 
appears in the Mercers' books as the successor of Caxton in the 
office of " Governor of the English Nation." This Pykering, 
who was a Mercer of renown, having spoken against the wardens 
of his Company, was summoned before an assembly of the 
"Adventurers of the different Fellowships" in London. There 
disdaining to " stond bare hed," and speaking " alle hawty and 
roiall," he was by the advice of the Court of the Mercers dis- 
charged from his office of governor, and heavily fined. Shortly 
after, he appears to have repented his boldness, for we find 
him humbly asking pardon on his knees before a full Court. 
Nothing could more fully prove the power exercised by the 
Mercers' Company, which was, in fact, mainly instrumental in 
obtaining the new charter for the Adventurers, or, as they are 
usually termed, "our felawship by yond the See," for which 
charter in the year following they are charged by the Mercers' 
Company £47 os. lod. 

The " English Nation," as we have already remarked, was 
a very important body at Bruges, and like the Esterlings, the 
Florentines, and other merchants, had their own " House," 
which existed in its original state when Sanderus, who calls 



22 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

it "Praetorium peramplum," wrote his " Flandria Illustrata." 
The engraving of the Domus Anglise, occupied by the Merchant 
Adventurers, and in which William Caxton resided for many 
years, is taken from this work, which contains numerous illus- 
trations of the ancient buildings of Bruges, including the resi- 
dences of the various guilds. 

A great similarity prevailed in the internal management of 
all foreign guilds, arising from the fact that foreigners were 
regarded by the natives with jealousy and suspicion. The 
laws which governed the Esterlings in London, who lived in 
a strongly-built enclosure, called the Steel Yard, the site of 
which is now occupied by the City station of the South Eastern 
Eailway Company, were much the same as those under which 
the English Nation lived in Bruges and other cities. The 
foreign merchant had, in Caxton's time, to brave a large amount 
of popular dislike, and to put up with great restraints on his 
liberty. Not only did he trade under harassing restrictions, 
but he resigned all hopes of domestic ties and family life. As 
in a monastery, each member had his own dormitory, whilst 
at meal-times there was a common table. Marriage was out 
of the question, and concubinage was followed by expulsion. 
Every member was bound to sleep in the house, and to be in- 
doors by a fixed time in the evening, and for the sake of good 
order no woman of any description was allowed within the 
walls. 

"When Caxton entered upon his duties as governor, he acted 
under the articles of a treaty of trade between the two countries, 
which had been many years in force, but which would termi- 
nate on November ist, 1465. It was highly necessary that a 
renewal of this treaty should be made before that' date, and 
we accordingly find that the king issued a commission, dated 
October 24th, 1464, in which he showed great wisdom by 
joining in one mission a clever statesman and a successful mer- 
chant. These were Sir Richard Whitehill, who had already 
been employed in several important embassies, and William 
Caxton, who, as the chief Englishman in Bruges, and well 
acquainted with all trade questions, was "a most fit person." 
They were, however, unsuccessful, although for what reason 



CAXTON ABROAD. 23 

does not appear, and the treaty being still unrenewed, a " con- 
vencion of lordes" was fixed to meet at St. Omer on October 
1st, 1465, to consider the matter. This convention does not 
appear to have taken place, for on the 14th of the same month, 
the wardens of the Mercers' Company wrote a long letter to 
Caxton, informing him that "the convention holdeth not;" 
that the king, taking into consideration the near approach of 
the term of the existing treaty, had written to the mayor of 
London requesting him "to provide a person" to go over to the 
Duke of Burgundy about the " prorogation of the intercourse ; " 
that the wardens of the Mercers with the wardens of divers 
Fellowships, Adventurers, considering that hitherto in similar 
cases the king, " with the advice of his council, had made pro- 
vision in that behalf," and that it was not their part to take 
upon themselves a matter of such great weight, had urged the 
mayor to write a letter to the king in the most pleasant wise 
that he could, beseeching him "to provide for this matter;" 
and that, considering the near approach of the term of the 
treaty and the uncertainty of any speedy action by the king, 
Caxton had better consult with his fellow merchants at Bruges 
in as "goodly haste" as possible as to the best means of pro- 
tecting their goods and persons until such time as the treaty 
might be renewed. This interesting letter, which appears in 
full in the Mercers' books, w T as signed by the four wardens, and 
addressed "a W. Caxton." 

A very anxious year must this have been with Caxton, for 
not only was the treaty unrenewed, but the Duke of Burgundy 
decreed the exclusion of all English-made cloth from his domi- 
nions. This of course induced retaliation, and the importation 
of all Flemish goods into England was prohibited by Act of 
Parliament; but neither the Flemish nor the English merchants 
could suffer their trade to be paralyzed, and so the traffic was 
carried on by a more circuitous and expensive route, being 
smuggled through the neighbouring States. ]SText year the 
Earl of Warwick (the nobleman to whom Caxton afterwards 
dedicated the first edition of his " Chess Book ") wrote to 
Caxton, calling upon him to enforce the Act of Parliament for- 
bidding the purchase of wares by English traders in the Duke 



24 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

of Burgundy's dominions. Caxton immediately communicated 
this order to the lord mayor and to the wardens of the Mercery 
at London, in a letter dated 27th May, 1466, desiring to be 
informed what the " lordes intent " was, and whether they had 
received a letter which he had sent by way of St. Omer, at the 
same time requesting early news of any " ioperdy that shulde 
fall." The letter arrived in London on June 3rd, when a full 
court of Adventurers was instantly summoned, at which it was 
determined that an immediate answer should be returned. This 
was accordingly despatched next day by the hands of Simon 
Preste, addressed " a Will m - Caxton, Gunor de la nac' deng s - " and 
signed by the four wardens. In it Caxton was instructed that 
the Act of Parliament must be observed and the fines enforced 
in every case of infringement ; that, being themselves ignorant 
of the intention of the Lords, they could give no information 
on that point ; and, that as to any threatened jeopardy, it was 
likely to be known sooner in Bruges than in London.* Matters 
remained in this unsatisfactory state until the death of Philip 
the Good, June 15th, 1467, who was succeeded by his son, 
Charles the Bold. 

The tide of affairs now turned in favour of England, and in 
the following year the Lords Hastings and Scales, John Russell, 
and others were sent as ambassadors to conclude a treaty of 
marriage between Charles the Bold, Duke of Burgundy, and 
the Princess Margaret, sister of King Edward IV. Lord Scales, 
afterwards Earl Rivers, was in later years one of Caxton's most 
liberal patrons, and his translation of " The Dictes and Sajangs 
of the Philosophers " was the first book with the date of imprint 
which issued from Caxton's press. John Russell, "Docteur en 
Decret, and Arcediacre de Berksuir," who subsequently became 
Bishop of Lincoln and Lord High Chancellor, appears to have 
been an ancestor of the Bedford family, and his oration delivered 
at the investiture of the Duke of Burgundy with the Order of 
Garter, on February 4th, 1470, is also one of the earliest works 
printed by Caxton. The marriage was solemnized in Bruges on 
the 5th of June, 1468, with the greatest possible pomp; and 

* Verbatim copies of all these letters may be seen in " The Life and 
Typography of William Caxton." 4to. 1863. Vol. I, pp. 90-92. 



CAXTON ABROAD. 25 

long accounts of the splendour of the ceremony, and of the 
accompanying festivities, are given by the old chroniclers. 
Caxton, by reason of his position as " governor," would no 
doubt take part in them, and be in close intercourse with the 
many English nobles frequenting the Flemish court. It is not 
improbable that it was at this period that he attracted the 
notice, and gained the good-will, of the duchess herself, for he 
was certainly in her service two years later. 

The nuptial feasts were soon followed by negociations for 
treaties of trade. The king having, by the advice of his counsel, 
determined to send an embassy to the Duke of Burgundy for 
the " enlarging of woollen cloth in his dominions," issued a 
special command to the Mercers' Company that they would pre- 
sent unto him certain persons of their number "to go out in 
embassage with diverse ambassadors into Flaunders," the Mer- 
cers thereupon nominated William Redeknape, John Pykering, 
and William Caxton. This took place on September 9th, 1468, 
and the three ambassadors having been approved by the king, 
the Court of the Mercers met again on the 28 th of the same 
month, and voted ^"40 " out of the Cundith mony " for the 
costs and charges of Redeknape and Pykering in this embassy. 
The omission of Caxton's name from this grant leads us to infer 
that he was then engaged in the discharge of the duties of 
governor at Bruges, and would therefore not require any travel- 
ling expenses. The mission was successful, and the intercourse 
was renewed between the two countries in October of the same 
year. 

The duties of Caxton's office must necessarily have occupied 
a great portion of his time, and obliged him, in the interests of 
the traders he represented, to pay visits to the various towns 
in which the English merchants resided. The old records of 
Utrecht of the years 1464, 1465, and 1467, mention free pass- 
ports having been granted to Caxton, his servants and goods. 
Nevertheless, he seems to have found leisure for those literary 
pursuits to which he was so much attached. It was in March, 
1468, or, as we should now say, 1469, that he began to translate 
the favourite romance of that age, " Le Recueil des Histoires de 
Troye." This, he informs us in a Prologue, he undertook to 



26 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

avoid sloth and idleness ; and indeed the constant use of phrases 
in which he excuses himself for his translations by urging the 
duty of eschewing sloth and idleness, would almost lead one to 
imagine that Caxton was of an indolent nature, did not the 
whole of his life, and especially those few last years in which 
he performed such prodigies of literary labour, give a satisfac- 
tory denial. Phrases of this kind were among the convention- 
alities of the age, and nearly every writer in the fourteenth and 
fifteenth centuries seems to have considered the avoidance of 
sloth as the proper excuse for bringing forward any literary 
work. In the manuscripts of Caxton's time, these deprecatory 
prefaces are very common ; and a comparison with the French 
original will show that these sentiments, although adopted by 
Caxton, are in reality those of the original author, and not the 
spontaneous avowal of the translator. This explanation is 
necessary in order to prevent too great weight being attached 
to Caxton's phraseology in the Prologue to the " Histories of 
Troy," for he was still " governor," an office necessarily entail- 
ing a considerable amount of responsibility and work, when he 
commenced that translation. Indeed, if Anderson be correct 
when he states in his " History of Commerce," that there were 
at this period sometimes more than a hundred vessels in Sluis, 
the port of Bruges, Caxton must have had ample work upon his 
hands. But whether he really had " no great charge or occupa- 
tion," or whether he was too busy to devote the needful time to 
his translation, he himself tells us that he then proceeded no 
further than with five or six quires. Each quire or section con- 
sisting of eight or ten leaves, this would amount to between 
forty and sixty leaves of manuscript. At this point, dissatisfied 
with the results of his labour, he laid them aside, without any 
intention of ever completing his translation. 

About two months later Caxton appears to have had more 
" occupation " than he could get through alone ; for, although 
still acting as " governor," a judgment was delivered in his 
name, wherein he was styled " William Caxton marchant 
dangleterre maistre et gouverneur des marchans de la nation 
dangleterre par deca." The case in dispute being between an 
Englishman and a Genoese merchant, they agreed to submit it 



CAXTON ABROAD. 27 

to the arbitration of William Caxton and Thomas Perrot as 
mutual friends ; but Caxton being obliged to leave Bruges for 
some cause not mentioned in the document, a full court of mer- 
chants was summoned, and the judgment delivered in the names 
of the arbitrators. This judgment is dated May 12th, 1469, 
and is the latest instance, as yet discovered, in which Caxton's 
name appears in his official capacity. 

There is, however, another notice of Caxton lately discovered 
in the Archives at Bruges, but whether it is to be referred to a 
period before or after his resignation of office is uncertain. It 
is a document containing a list of persons who, on August 13th, 
1469, were considered by the town council to be of sufficient 
importance to share in the gifts of the " Yins d'honneur" usually 
distributed on great public occasions. Caxton received four kans 
of wine, but whether it was presented to him as " governor," or 
as an official in the service of the Duchess of Burgundy, is 
unknown. Treaties were certainly being negociated by ambas- 
sadors from England who were at Bruges in 1469, and received, 
on June nth, a present of " trois pieces de vin," but this was 
two months earlier than the date of the gift to Caxton. 

On February 4th, 1470, an imposing ceremony took place at 
Ghent, ambassadors being sent by Edward IV to invest the 
Duke of Burgundy with the Order of the Garter, but there is 
no direct evidence to support the supposition that Caxton was 
present on this occasion. That he was at Ghent, though appa- 
rently a year later, is stated in his Prologue to " The Eecuyell," 
and he appears to have been connected with the printing of the 
Latin oration delivered by Dr. Russell. 

In October of the same year Edward IV, accompanied by 
many of his nobles, took refuge in the capital of the duke's 
dominions from the machinations of the Earl of Warwick. 
Here Caxton, either as "governor" or as a servant of the 
duchess, had an excellent opportunity of assisting his country- 
men, who were in great need, until the restoration of their 
sovereign. That he did so may be inferred from the royal 
favour extended to him in after years. 

The exact date when Caxton entered the service of the 
duchess, as well as that when he relinquished his governorship, 



28 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

is uncertain. The two events may have borne the relationship 
of cause and effect. Caxton's own narrative shows that about 
two years after his first essay at translating " The Recuyell," or 
about March, 147 1, he was in the service of the duchess, receiv- 
ing a yearly salary and other benefits. He was then instructed 
to resume his literary work, and the " dreadful command " of 
his royal mistress seems to have been obeyed with wonderful 
alacrity; for, although he was at one time at Ghent and at 
another time at Cologne, the translation was not again neglected 
till, on the 19th of September, 147 1, the whole was completed, 
and offered by Caxton to the duchess, by whom he was hand- 
somely rewarded for his trouble. 

The nature of the service rendered by Caxton to the duchess 
is very uncertain. He says of himself that he was her servant, 
receiving a yearly fee, and other good and great benefits. That 
it was an honourable office admits of no doubt, and that it was 
moreover one in which Caxton's knowledge and talents as a 
merchant would be serviceable seems very probable. We must 
not forget that in those days princes, nobles, and even ecclesi- 
astics, did not consider it inconsistent with their dignity to 
trade on their own account, and this they frequently did under 
special exemptions from the taxes to which the ordinary mer- 
chant had to submit. Edward IV and many of his nobility 
owned ships of merchandise. In 1475 the Wardens of the 
Mercers' Company wrote to Antwerp concerning a ship called 
" The Sterre," belonging to Earl Rivers, and a document of the 
year 1472 throws some light on the nature of the services which 
a merchant like Caxton might have rendered to his royal mis- 
tress. Edward IY in that year granted to his sister, the Duchess 
of Burgundy, special privileges and exemptions with regard to 
her own private trading in English wool. The late duchess, 
Avife of Philip the Good, likewise engaged in similar transac- 
tions, in which, if we may judge from the following entries in 
the Mercers' accounts, her ladies also were apparently in some 
degree interested : — 

1450. Item paid to John Stubbes for perys to the 

Gentilwoman of the Duchesse of Burgeyn vj d 

145 1. Item paid to Hewe Wyche for a writ directe 



CAXTON ABROAD. 29 

to Sandewyche for the gownys of the 

gentil womans of the duches of Burgeyn ij s vj d 

1454. Item — Pour la copie dune lettre enuoie a la 

duchesse de Burge xij s 

1455. Item — a M Gervers pour line lettre & la copie 

enuoi a la duchesse de Burge xx s 

The question naturally arises — How was it that Caxton, 
holding the influential and lucrative position of " Governor of 
the English Nation" at Bruges, resigned that post to enter 
upon duties of a much less ambitious character 1 There is no 
reference in the Mercers' records to any disagreement between 
Caxton and the home authorities, nor had he at this time 
(1469) entertained the idea of returning to his native country. 
We must, however, remember that during a very eventful and 
anxious period he had for some years held an office of the 
gravest responsibility, and we may assume from his complaint 
of two years later, that age was daily creeping upon him and 
enfeebling his body, that the troubles of official life had under- 
mined his health. We can, therefore, easily imagine that he 
would gladly embrace the opportunity of exchanging the cares 
of office for the easy service of the Duchess of Burgundy, 
which would allow him to indulge in the congenial pursuit of 
literature and the " strange meruaylous historyes " in which 
he so much delighted. Or perchance his complaint of "age 
creeping upon him " was simply one of the conventional self- 
depreciating remarks common to writers of his time, while the 
real cause of his resignation was a wish to marry and to enjoy 
those home blessings and comforts of which hitherto he had 
been deprived. 

It has been suggested that upon the death of Philip, Duke 
of Burgundy, the dowager-duchess would find herself in a 
position of much less influence and much less wealth. As a 
fact, this was not the case ; for, although Mary of Burgundy was 
duchess, the dowager-duchess, Caxton's "dread lady," was so 
attached to the young princess, for whom she had a maternal 
regard, that in all their counsels and all their travels they 
were never separated. Nor was Caxton's duchess straitened 
in means by the death of the duke. She had large estates 



30 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

and a handsome dowry which she managed well, living in 
great state in the very towns which as ruling duchess she 
had preferred. There is then no reason for supposing that the 
sudden death of the duke had any connection with Caxton's 
return to England. The whole history of Margaret of York, 
while Dowager-Duchess of Burgundy, has been written lately, 
from original documents, by L. Gatesloot (8vo. Bruges, 1879). 

That Caxton was a married man, and that he could not have 
married much later than 1469, is a new fact in the biography 
of Caxton, discovered by Mr. Gairdner, of the Public Record 
Office, who recently came across a paper document, without 
seals or signatures, and therefore only a copy of the original, 
made for production in court in connection with some lawsuit. 
It was found among the miscellaneous records of the Exchequer, 
formerly preserved in the Chapter House at Westminster, and 
was first printed in the "Academy" for April 4th, 1874. The 
tenor of the document, which is given in full in the appendix, 
is as follows : — A variance having arisen between Gerard Croppe, 
merchant tailor, of Westminster, and Elizabeth his wife, daughter 
of William Caxton, the matter was brought before the arch- 
deacon and the king's chaplain, who heard the case in St. 
Stephen's Chapel, Westminster. It was then agreed that they 
should live apart, and not vex, sue, or trouble one another, 
each being bound under a penalty of ^"ioo (which would 
represent about ^"1500 at the present day). Upon the signing 
of a deed to that effect, the said Gerard Croppe was to receive 
from the executors of William Caxton " twenty printed legends," 
valued at 13s. 4c?. each (the sum total of which would now be 
equivalent to ^200), and to give the executors a full acquit- 
tance of any further claim upon the estate. This document, 
which is dated May 20th, 1496, throws no light upon the 
cause of quarrel, unless it were concerning a legacy left by 
Caxton to his daughter. 

Now, assuming that Caxton was married in 1469, which 
was about the period when he resigned his official position 
and entered the royal service, and that his daughter Elizabeth 
was born soon after, she would have been about twenty-one 
years of age at the time of her father's death in 1491, and 



CAXTON ABROAD. 31 

twenty-six years of age when separated from her husband. 
We have already seen how John Stubbs and Hugh Wyche 
were in communication with the gentlewomen of the Duchess 
of Burgundy. Caxton, no doubt, was also in frequent attend- 
ance upon them, and may perhaps have induced one of them to 
become his wife. Whether this was so or not, it is now an 
ascertained fact that after some forty-six years of compulsory 
celibacy, Caxton took to himself a wife, who, it may be hoped, 
was truly his helpmate and the solace of his declining years. 
It is not unlikely that the following entry in the Church- 
wardens' Accounts of St. Margaret, Westminster, under the 
year 1490, may refer to Caxton's wife : — 

" Item. — Atte bureying of Mawde Caxton for torches & tapres iij s ij d." 

Reverting to the " Histories of Troye," and the presentation 
of a manuscript copy to the duchess, no doubt can be enter- 
tained that this was the turning-point in Caxton's life. In the 
Prologue to Book I he narrates in simple language the causes 
which led him to undertake the translation : — " Whan I re- 
membre that euery man is bounden by the comandement & 
counceyll of the wjse man to eschewe slouthe and ydelness 
whyche is moder and nourysshar of vyces and ought to put 
myself vnto vertuous occupation and besynesse/ Than I 
hauynge no grete charge of ocupacion folowynge the sayd coun- 
ceyll/ toke a frenche boke and redde therein many strange and 
meruayllous historyes where in I had grete pleasyr and delyte/ 
as well for the nouelte of the same as for the fayr langage of 
frenshe . whyche was in prose so well and compendiously sette 
and wreton/ whiche me thought I understood the sentence and 
substance of euery mater/ And for so moche as this booke 
was newe and late maad and drawen in to frenshe/ and neuer 
had seen hit in oure englissh tongue/ I thought in my self hit 
shold be a good besynes to translate hyt into oure englissh/ to 
thende that hyt myght be had as well in the royame of Englond 
as in other landes/ and also for to passe therwyth the tyme . 
and thus concluded in my self to begynne this sayd worke." 

The new "Historie" was a welcome novelty to his country- 
men, who had hitherto been accustomed to read such works 



32 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

only in French, which still retained its pre-eminence as the 
language of the court and of literature, notwithstanding the 
great advance and improvement which had been made in 
English. • The demand for Caxton's translation soon became 
greater than could possibly be supplied. His hand grew "wery 
and not stedfast " with much writing, as he states in the 
epilogue of the printed edition, and his eyes were " dimed with 
overmoch lokyng on the whit paper." Then it was, with Colard 
Mansion at hand to teach and help him, that he turned his 
attention to the new-born Art of Printing. 





CHAPTEE IV. 



LITERATURE IN THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY. 



HE revival of literature in Europe, commenc- 
^^^^S^^^l ing with the latter part of the fourteenth 
iBSfcr^^vt cen tury, ^s steady growth, and its wonderful 
development in the succeeding age, have 
been dwelt upon by many writers. Nowhere 
was this revival more strongly marked than 
in France and the Low Countries. 
The French kings and the princes of the royal blood had 
been for many generations the constant patrons of authors and 
of all engaged in the production of books. In 1350, John II, 
who has the credit of having founded the library of the Louvre, 
ascended the throne of France. No particulars concerning the 
library of this monarch have been preserved, and it was pro- 
bably of no great extent ; but his literary tastes descended to 
each of his four sons, and from the inventories which have 
come down to us of the libraries of these princes, we obtain 
very interesting information as to the number, the description, 
the illuminations, the bindings, and the market value of the 
books which they contained. Charles, the eldest son, who 
succeeded his father in 1364, had a highly-developed taste for 
everything connected with the fine arts. He greatly increased 
the number of volumes in the Louvre library, so that in the 
ninth year of his reign, when Gilles Mallet drew up a catalogue, 
they amounted to 910, the greater number of which were 

c 



34 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

written on fine vellum, and were magnificently bound, and 
enriched with gold clasps and precious stones. This library, 
the Duke of Bedford, when Regent of France, is supposed to 
have transported to England in 1429. In after years, a few 
of the volumes returned to France, but the famous library of 
the Louvre never recovered its ancient splendour. Louis, Duke 
of Anjou, second son of King John, shared to a great degree 
the love of books and works of art displayed by his elder 
brother. The third son, John, Duke of Berry, formed an 
extensive library at his chateau at Bicetre, near Paris, inferior 
only to that of the king himself. But of all the king's sons, 
Philip, who soon equalled his eldest brother in power, far 
surpassed him in the number and splendour of his literary 
treasures. King John's second wife was Jane, widow of the 
Duke of Burgundy, and in her right he succeeded to that duchy 
on the death of her only son. When dividing his kingdom 
among his four sons, King John apportioned Burgundy to the 
youngest, Philip the Hardy, who, by his marriage with 
Margaret, only daughter and heiress of Louis, Count of 
Flanders, inherited, on the death of his father-in-law in 13S4, 
a large extent of territory. Philip, who has the character of 
having been a generous prince, was well read in the literary 
lore of his age. He was passionately addicted to music and to 
the collection of fine books, and he spared no expense in the 
employment of artists, and in the purchase of their most choice 
productions. Nor did he rest satisfied with the encouragement 
of artists alone, but gathered round him some of the most 
learned and able authors of his time, who enriched his library 
with new works. This prince died in 1404, and was succeeded 
by his son, John the Fearless, who, although distracted by 
continual wars, maintained and even added somewhat to his 
father's library. Christine de Pisan received one hundred 
crowns for two books which she presented to him. But all 
previous patronage is eclipsed by the encouragement given to 
literature by Philip the Good, who succeeded to the dukedom 
of Burgundy upon the decease of John in 141 9. At Bruges, 
where he kept his court, he gave continual employment to a 
crowd of authors, translators, copyists, and illuminators, who 



LITERATURE IN THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY. 35 

enriched his library with their best productions, and did not 
forget to sing the praises of their generous patron. David 
Aubert, a celebrated scribe, thus describes the duke in 1457 : — 
" This renowned and virtuous prince has been accustomed, for 
many years past, to have ancient histories read to him daily. 
His library surpasses all others, for from his youth he has had 
in his service numerous translators, scholars, historians, and 
scribes in various countries, all diligently working, so that now 
there is not a prince in all Christendom who has so varied and 
so rich a library." In the account which M. Barrois gives of 
the library of this sovereign, he enumerates nearly two thousand 
works, the greater part being magnificent folios on vellum 
beautifully illuminated, and bound in velvet, satin, or damask, 
studded with gems, and closed by gold clasps, jewelled and 
chased. Many of these are still preserved in the Royal Library 
at Brussels. 

The taste of successive rulers spread its influence among 
their subjects, and fashion lent its aid in multiplying libraries. 
No present was more acceptable than a beautifully-executed 
manuscript, and the opulent nobles of the French and Bur- 
gundian courts offered costly books to their sovereigns and their 
friends. The records and inventories of this period contain 
numerous entries of such gifts, often with their estimated value. 

Among the nobles at the court of Philip the Good, many 
emulated the literary taste of their sovereign, but none showed 
greater judgment and liberality in the formation of his library 
than Louis de Bruges, Seigneur de la Gruthuyse. This noble- 
man, who had risen by his talents to the highest position, 
received, at his chateau of Oostcamp, near Bruges, in 1470, 
Edward IY of England, when he sought refuge from the 
Lancastrians in Flanders, and was afterwards rewarded by that 
king with the title of Earl of Winchester. His library was 
scarcely inferior to that of his sovereign, and nearly the whole 
of the manuscripts were the production of Flemish artists at 
Bruges or Ghent. The large size of the volumes, the beauty of 
the vellum, the elegance of the writing, the artistic merit of the 
illuminations and ornaments, and the luxury displayed in the 
bindings, are evidences of the deep interest taken by the 



36 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

Seigneur de la Gruthuyse in the formation of his library. On 
his death it passed to his son, Jean de Bruges, and was soon 
after added to the collection already existing at the chateau of 
Blois, belonging to the kings of France. Great pains were 
then taken to obliterate the armorial bearings, devices, and 
monograms which showed the former ownership of the manu- 
scripts, which efforts were but partially successful, as about a 
hundred volumes, now among the most precious treasures of 
the Bibliotheque Rationale at Paris, still attest that they once 
belonged to this celebrated collection. As the patron of literary 
men and of artists, Louis de Bruges takes a high place in the 
annals of his country, whilst the friendly attitude he assumed 
towards Colard Mansion, in the early career of that unfortunate 
pioneer of the press, should ever endear his name to biblio- 
graphers. This passion for beautiful books was not confined 
to the dukedom of Burgundy, but existed equally in France, 
Italy, Germany, England, and other countries. Henry YI of 
England had a valuable library, and many of the books written 
and illuminated for him are still among the Eoyal MSS. in 
the British Museum. The Duke of Bedford, whose love for 
literature was no doubt greatly stimulated during the time he 
held the office of Regent of France, was surpassed by none of 
his countrymen in his patronage of the fine arts, and the 
celebrated Missal, written and illuminated for him, still remains 
as one of the choicest productions of his age. Humphrey, Duke 
of Gloucester, the protector of England during the minority of 
Henry VI, was also greatly attached to his library, and many 
manuscripts are extant, over which the antiquary pauses with 
respect and interest as he reads the boldly- written autograph, 
" Cest a moy Homfrey." 

Owing to these causes, the various artists connected with 
bookwriting and bookbinding, as well as the trades necessary to 
them, received much encouragement, while, to ensure rapidity 
as well as excellence of workmanship, division of labour was 
carried out to a great extent. Indeed, so important a branch 
of commerce had the manufacture of books now become, and so 
numerous were the different classes of craftsmen thus employed 
in Bruges, that there sprang up in that city a guild, apparently 



LITERATURE IN THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY. 37 

very similar to the trade companies in London, to which, in 
1454, the duke granted a formal charter and special privileges. 
The company is styled " der ghilde van sinte jan Ewagz," or 
" The Guild of St. John the Evangelist," who was the patron 
saint of scribes ; and the volume of receipts and expenditure of 
this guild, beginning with the entrance fees of the original 
members, exists still in a perfect state of preservation in the 
city Archives of Bruges. Van Praet gives some interesting 
extracts from this volume, which show that the guild comprised 
members of both sexes, to whose names their respective trades 
are affixed, thus indicating the various branches of industry 
employed at that time in the manufacture of books. 

Librariers et bockverkopers (Booksellers). 

Prenter-vercoopers (Printsellers). 

Scilders (Painters). 

Vinghette makers (Painters of Vignettes). 

Scrivers et bouc-scrivers (Scriveners and copyists of looks). 

Verlichters (Illuminators). 

Prenters (Printers, whether from Uocks or types). 

Bouc-binders (Bookbinders). 

Reimmakers (Curriers). 

Drooch-scherrers ( Cloth-shearers) . 

Parkement makers et fransyn makers (Parchment and Vellum 

makers). 
Guispel snyders (Boss carvers). 
Letter sniders (Letter engravers). 
Beelde makers (Figure engravers). 

Similar corporations existed in other cities. Thus, at Ant- 
werp, the Guild of St. Luke was formed before 1450, and 
included trades like those of the Guild of St. John at Bruges ; 
and at Brussels there was a guild of writers called " Les 
Freres de la Plume." These guilds supported their own chapel 
and chaplain, and sometimes had considerable property. 
Nearly all the early printers , whose names are now famous 
in the annals of Flemish typography were enrolled in one or 
other of these associations. 

The object of the foregoing sketch, and its bearings on the 
subject of this memoir, will be evident to the reader who recalls 
to mind that it was while the pursuit of literature in Bruges 



38 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

was most ardent — that it was during the reign of the greatest 
bibliophile of the fifteenth century, when Bruges teemed with 
authors, translators, scribes, and illuminators, who resorted 
thither from all parts of Europe to Philip the Good as to a 
second Maecenas — that it was during the time when the biblio- 
graphical treasures of Philip the Hardy, enriched by the 
numerous additions of his son and grandson, and the libraries 
of Louis de Bruges and other nobles of the Flemish court 
were concentrated in the same city — that William Caxton was, 
for thirty-three years at least, a resident in Bruges. Access to 
these libraries would be easy to him, and that he availed him- 
self of the privilege seems all the more probable, since we 
find, without exception, that the books which he translated for 
his own press may be traced in the catalogues of these noble 
libraries. As " Governor of the English Nation," through 
whom all the negotiations between the English and the Burgun- 
dian governments would be carried on, Caxton would be well 
acquainted with the nobles and officers of the court, and hence 
he would naturally become the agent for the literary wants 
of his countrymen. He would also be brought into close 
contact with the most clever authors, scribes, and illuminators 
of the time, among whom were Colard Mansion and Jean Brito, 
originally artistic bookwriters, but afterwards the first to intro- 
duce the art of printing into the city of Bruges. 





CHAPTER V. 



DEVELOPMENT. 




OSTUME, that sure guide of the historian 
and the antiquary, is perhaps nowhere 
more discernible than in literature, not 
merely in the dress of language and ex- 
pression, but also in the visible exponents 
of that dress — writing and printing. 
Thus, a manuscript or a printed book may, 
by the character of its writing or printing alone, be ascribed to a 
determinate era. In other words, a careful investigation of the 
mode of construction will, in most cases, enable us to determine 
the approximate age of any book, from the early manuscript to 
the machine-printed volume of the present day. 

In tracing the early development of printing, we are able to 
note those successive deviations from the form of its parent, 
Caligraphy, which were necessitated by the peculiarities of the 
new art. Commencing simply as a substitute for manuscript, 
it was naturally a close imitation thereof, and hence the first 
printers laboured under many inconveniences, which were 
shaken off as the capabilities of the new discovery became 
better understood. These changes often afford the only satis- 
factory evidence of the place and date of printing, as well as 
of the printer's name. We propose, therefore, as an aid to 
chronological arrangement, to notice the points of similarity 
between the earliest printed books and manuscripts, especially 
with reference to the productions of Colard Mansion and 



40 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

William Caxton, and then to trace the novelties, purely typo- 
graphical, introduced by the printers. 

i. There was a selection of material. The scribe naturally 
wrote his choicest productions on fine vellum, carefully sorted 
in order to secure evenness in tone and quality ; and with the 
same idea the early printers sorted out their paper before 
beginning to print. This is frequently seen when two or three 
copies of the same book are compared together. One is found 
to be printed entirely on thick, while another is wholly on thin 
paper — one has no defects, whereas another is made up of what 
the modern stationer calls " outsides." The two copies of 
Caxton's "Knyght of the Toure" preserved in the British 
Museum present a remarkable instance of this plan of selection. 

2. It was a common practice with the scribes, when employ- 
ing paper for their books, to use parchment for the inmost sheet 
of every section. The object of this was to give a firm hold to 
the thread of the binder, and thus strengthen the volume, but 
the alternation of paper and parchment did not present a pleas- 
ing appearance to the eye. Caxton adopted a modification of 
this plan, and instead thereof pasted a strip of vellum down the 
centre of the section. In books which have had the good for- 
tune to escape the modern bookbinder, the observer may still 
see either the slips themselves or their traces in the brown 
stains left by the paste. 

3. When commencing a book, the scribes had a custom of 
passing over the first leaf, and beginning on the third page, 
probably with the intention of protecting the first page from 
soiling during the execution and binding of the work. This 
practice was followed in the early works which issued from the 
presses of Flanders and of England, but unfortunately, in most 
of these books, on which an expensive modern binding has been 
placed, the blank leaf has been rejected as too coarse for a fly- 
leaf, thus causing many volumes, although really perfect as 
regards the print, to be described by bibliographers as wanting 
the title-page. 

4. The scribe necessarily wrote but one page at a time, and, 
curiously enough, in this the early printers also assimilated 
their practice. Whether from want of sufficient type to set 



DEVELOPMENT. 41 

up the requisite number of pages, or from the small size of the 
platen of the early presses, there is certain evidence of the 
first books from Caxton's press having been printed page by 
page. Thus, in all the books printed with type No. 1, in- 
stances are found of pages on the same side of the sheet being 
out of parallel, which could not occur if two pages were printed 
together. A positive proof of the separate printing of the pages 
may, however, be seen in a copy of " The Eecuyell of the His- 
tories of Troye," in the Bodleian Library ; for there the ninth 
recto of the third quinternion has never been printed at all, 
while the complimentary page, which falls on the same side of 
the sheet, has been properly printed. A variation in the colour 
of the ink, though often very noticeable, is not a sure proof 
that the two pages so differing were printed separately, as that 
may have occurred through imperfect inking. 

5. Many bibliographers, neglecting the study of manuscripts, 
and confining their examination of early books to the products 
of the printing press, have written and argued as if "signatures " 
were an invention of printers. This is an erroneous idea. It 
was as necessary for the scribe to mark the sequence of the 
sheets which he wrote as for the typographer to mark the order 
of those which he printed ; because when the sheets, whether 
manuscript or printed, had to be bound, it was an absolute 
necessity for the binder to have every sheet signed, for the sig- 
natures were his only guide in the collation of the volume. 
There would seem to have been, for a long time, an antipathy 
to these useful little signposts, which, being needed only so long 
as the book remained unbound, were placed by the scribe as 
near as possible to the bottom of the leaf, that they might 
disappear under the plough of the binder. This is what has 
happened in the great majority of cases, but in every instance 
of the manuscript being preserved uncut they may still be 
seen. 

It is interesting to notice the manner in which the early 
printers adopted and afterwards modified this custom of the 
scribes. As it was very inconvenient for them to print signa- 
tures of one or two letters away from the solid page, at the 
extreme margin of the sheet, and as the idea of disfiguring the 



42 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

text by making them a part of it was objectionable, they con- 
tinued the old practice for some time, and actually signed every 
sheet by hand with pen and ink after it was printed. The 
uncut copy of " The Kecuyell," at Windsor Castle, is an example 
of a book with manuscript signatures at the extreme foot of 
every sheet. After some time, however, the prejudice was 
overcome, and the signatures were printed close up to the bottom 
line of the page. They were first introduced at Cologne in 
1472 and adopted by Caxton in 1480. 

6. The upper portion of the first written leaf of a manuscript 
was frequently left blank, for an illustration by the vignette- 
painter. Space was also left at the beginning of every chapter, 
and sometimes of every sentence, for an illuminated initial. 
For many years the early printers likewise followed this plan, 
every book they issued requiring the hand of the illuminator to 
complete it. This illumination was a distinct branch of trade, 
and the workmen employed in it did nothing but paint in the 
initials and paragraph marks. Through carelessness or ignorance 
a wrong initial was occasionally painted in, but as far as possible 
to prevent this, both scribes and printers inserted a small letter 
as a guide, which was usually covered over by the coloured 
capital. 

7. When transcribing a book, it was seldom thought a matter 
of any importance to add the date of transcription and the 
writer's name, though occasional instances of this are found. 
It was probably a like feeling which made the early printers 
follow a practice which has caused the modern bibliographer 
much doubt on many chronological points of the greatest interest. 
So needless was it thought to inform the reader when, where, 
or by whom a book was printed, that out of twenty-one works 
known to have issued from the press of Colard Mansion at 
Bruges, not more than five have a date affixed to them, and of 
nearly one hundred publications assigned to Caxton's press, 
considerably more than two-thirds appear without any indication 
of the year of imprint. 

8. The similarity, amounting almost to identity, between 
the printed characters of the early typographers and the written 
ones of their contemporaries, must also be noted. It was this 



DEVELOPMENT. 43 

similarity which probably first gave rise to the now admitted 
fable of Fust selling his bibles at Paris as manuscripts, his im- 
peachment before the parliament as a sorcerer, and the necessity 
he was under of revealing his secret to save his life. 

The first printer, when he set about forming his alphabet, 
could not have been troubled as to the shape he should give his 
letters. The form which would naturally occur to him would 
be that to which both he and the people to whom he hoped to 
sell his productions had been accustomed. It is not therefore 
at all wonderful, that the types used in the earliest printed 
books should closely resemble the written characters of the 
period, nor that this imitation should be extended to all the 
combinations of letters which were then in use by the scribes. 
Thus the bibles and psalters which appeared in Germany, 
among the first productions of the press, were printed in the 
characters used by the scribes for ecclesiastical service-books, 
while the general literature was printed in the common bastard- 
roman. There is nothing whatever to support the assertion 
frequently met with, that the first printers made their books 
purposely like the old manuscripts in order to deceive purchasers 
into paying a good price for them. This view truly is the 
genuine outcome of the nineteenth century. 

When Sweynheym and Pannartz, emigrating from Germany, 
took up their abode in the famous monastery of Subiaco, near 
Eome, they cut the punches for their new types in imitation of 
the Koman letters indigenous to the country, without an idea 
that they could do anything else. In the dominions of the 
Duke of Burgundy, where the labours of the scribes had been 
most extensively encouraged, the same plan was pursued. 
Colard Mansion, the first printer at Bruges, was also a celebrated 
caligrapher, and the close resemblance between his printed books 
and the best manuscripts of his time is very marked. The same 
character of writing was also in use in England, and Caxton's 
types accordingly bear the closest resemblance to the hand- 
writing in the Mercers' books, and to the volumes of that period 
in the Archives at Guildhall. Nevertheless Dibdin thus censures 
Caxton for not adopting Koman types : — " That perfect order 
and symmetry of press-work, so immediately striking in the 



44 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

pages of foreign books of this period, are in vain to be sought 
for among the volumes which have issued from Caxton's press ; 
and the uniform rejection of the Roman letter so successfully 
introduced by the Spiras, Jenson, and Sweynheym and Pannartz 
is, unquestionably, a blemish on our printer's typographical 
reputation." 

9. The short spacing of the early printers also deserves 
remark.* — The uneven length of the lines, so noticeable in 
manuscripts, was a necessity, as the writer could not forecast 
the space between the words so as to make all the lines of an 
even length. But it certainly was no necessity with the printer ; 
for although in this respect the time-honoured custom of the 
scribes was followed for a few years, the improved appearance 
which evenness gave to the work was soon observed, and thus 
a typographical step in advance was established. At Mentz 
and Cologne this occurred at a very early stage. The first 
Psalter, printed in 1457, and the Mazarine Bible of 1455 show, 
now and then, lines slightly deficient in length, as do some of 
the earliest productions of Ulric Zel ; but this rudeness soon gave 
way to a systematic plan of spacing the lines to one even length. 
In the early specimens from the Bruges and Westminster presses, 

* We may here observe, that bibliographers often misuse the word 
"justification" when referring to the practice of placing all the space at 
the end of lines. The printer's term " justification " does not necessarily 
refer to the spacing out of the words in a line. Every line in a page must 
be "justified" or made of the normal length, and the last line in a para- 
graph, containing perhaps no more than one word, must be justified eqxially 
with the full-length line. Short lines are justified with quadrats, or pieces 
of metal, which fill up the line, but, being lower than the type, do not 
print. What is called "short," or "bad," or "imperfect justification," is 
sure to reveal itself, to the dismay of the compositor, by allowing the 
faulty line to drop out when the " forme," or mass of type, is lifted. The 
probable reason why Colard Mansion and Caxton did not space their lines 
to an even length is, that at that time they had not begun to use the 
setting-rule. This useful little slip of metal enables each letter as it is 
picked up by the compositor to be passed along on an even surface to its 
destination, instead of catching in every unevenness or burr of the previous 
line. Its absence would entail many obstructions to the spacing-out of 
lines, and render the plan of leaving all the spare space at the end, which 
was actually adopted by Caxton, at once more easy, expeditious, and free 
from accident. 



DEVELOPMENT. 45 

the practice of placing all the spare space at the end of the lines, 
instead of dividing it between the words, gives a very rude 
appearance to the page, and in these books it is carried to a 
greater extent than in the works of any German, Italian, or 
French printers. Colard Mansion abandoned this practice in 
1479, an( l Caxton in 1480. 

It will be apparent, from the foregoing remarks, that the 
books of our first printers bore no slight resemblance to manu- 
scripts, and indeed, until quite recently, a copy of the Mazarine 
Bible, in the Library of Lambeth Palace, was so regarded ; * 
but this resemblance was soon modified, in many particulars, to 
suit the requirements of typography. 

The execution of manuscript capitals being both tedious and 
expensive led to the early introduction of large letters engraved 
on wood, which were either printed in black at the same im- 
pression as the other portion, or in red by a subsequent operation. 
Colard Mansion seems never to have adopted them, although 
several of his books are illustrated by large and numerous 
woodcuts. Caxton inserted illustrations engraved on wood in 
two or three books before 1484, the date of " iEsop," in which 
woodcut initials first appear. 

Title-pages, likewise, are purely typographical in their origin, 
the scribes having been content with heading their page with 
" Hie incipit" and the name of the treatise. Caxton followed 
the usage of the scribes in this particular ; for, with one excep- 
tion only, and at the very end of his career, where the title of 
the book is printed alone in the centre of the first page, his 
books appear without any title-page whatever. 

Wynken de "Worde adopted the use of title-pages imme- 
diately after the death of his master, but Machlinia of London, 
and the schoolmaster-printer of St. Alban's, never used them. 

These minute details may appear, at first sight, to be hardly 
worthy of record; but when we remember that two-thirds of 
Caxton's books are without any date, and that, by careful 

* In 1856, an old established bookseller, in one of our largest cathedral 
towns, marked a copy of Caxton's " Statutes of Hen. VII " as an old 
MS., and sold it for 2s. 6d. I See also the remarks on Verard's " Euryalus 
et Lucrece," in the Catalogue of the Harleian MSS., Vol. Ill, No. 4392. 



4 6 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

examination of the workmanship, we can trace the printer 
gradually developing the changes from manuscript to typo- 
graphical character, we appreciate the existence of a mass of 
technical evidence which, like the strata of the earth, or the 
mouldings of a cathedral arch, affords chronological data quite 
independent of any other source, and enables us, with a near 
approach to accuracy, to determine the age of any undated book. 
To this evidence may be added some other important signs 
which sometimes bear witness to the date when a book was 
printed. Such are the size of the printed page, its depth and 
width, the number of lines in a page, the number of sheets in 
a section, and, above all, the sequence in -the use of various 
types. In Caxton's books this sequence is very remarkable, as 
will be seen by the annexed table, where only books with fixed 
dates are entered, so that the reader may form his own judg- 
ment as to the chronological order of the above-mentioned 
peculiarities. 

Some interesting facts may be gathered from this table. 

i. The types used by Caxton bear a definite chronological 
relation to one another. Type No. i goes out of use, and is 
succeeded, in 1477, by No. 2. Type No. 3 is principally em- 
ployed for headlines during the use of Nos. 2 and 4. In 1480 
type No. 4 makes its appearance, but not till No. 2 is about to 
disappear. In 1483 type No. 4* supersedes its predecessor, 
and, in its turn, makes way for Nos. 5 and 6, which close the 
list. If the books were added which give the dates of their 
translation, which almost always coincide with those of their 
printing, the result would be the same. 

2. All the books printed before 1480 were with lines of an 
uneven length, whilst all printed subsequently were spaced out 
evenly. 

3. Signatures and even spacing of the lines were synchro- 
nous improvements, and both, when once adopted, were never 
afterwards abandoned. In the signatures themselves a curious 
fact may be noted — that whereas the custom of Caxton was 
generally to use letters and Eoman numerals, as b j, for his 
signatures, yet in the three years 1481 to 1483, and at no other 
period, he used Arabic numerals, thus u 1, or 2 1. 



DEVELOPMENT. 



47 



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48 



WILLIAM CAXTON. 



We may further add that the use of the paragraph mark (H ) 
never appears before 1483 ; that the great device makes no 
appearance till 1487, the printed date to the third edition of 
the " Dictes " notwithstanding ; and that initials in wood first 
appear in the " iEsop " in 1484. 

By the application of these tests to the undated books we are 
enabled to assign each of them, with tolerable certainty, to a 
particular period. 




■^ 




CHAPTER VI. 




COLARD MANSION. 

RUGES, the old metropolis of Flanders, 
offers many points of the greatest inte- 
rest to the historian and the antiquary. 
In the fifteenth century, it was the chosen 
residence of the sovereigns of the House 
of Burgundy, and to its marts resorted 
the most opulent merchants of Europe. 
There the arts, as well as commerce, were developed to a degree 
of excellence unequalled since the Augustan age, and even Paris 
was surpassed in literary and artistic treasures. Artists and 
craftsmen were consequently numerous, and, as we have already 
seen, those of them who were connected with the production of 
books, were enrolled as a trade guild. And this pre-eminence 
is not immaterial to our inquiry, for William Caxton was not 
only for more than thirty years a constant resident in Bruges, 
holding for a considerable period a position of great authority, 
but in this city likewise took his first lessons in typography 
and obtained the materials necessary for the introduction of the 
New Art into his native country. 

Colard Mansion is generally admitted to have been the first 
printer at Bruges, but of his history little is known. His name 
occurs many times in the old records still preserved in the 
municipal library, and always in connection either with his 
trade of fine-manuscript writer, or with the guild of St. John. 
The first time it appears it is written " Collinet," a diminutive 



5 o WILLIAM CAXTON. 

of Collaert, from which Yan Praet, his first biographer, thinks 
he was at that time under age. In 1450 "Collinet" received 
fifty-four livres from the Duke of Burgundy for a novel, en- 
titled "Romuleon," beautifully illuminated and bound in velvet. 
This copy is now in the Eoyal Library at Brussels, and another 
copy, written in characters exactly like the types used twenty 
years later by Colard Mansion, is in the British Museum. Both 
the Seigneur de la Gruthuyse and the Seigneur de Creveceur 
were his patrons ; the former, indeed, was at one time on such 
friendly and familiar terms with Mansion, that he stood god- 
father to one of his children. It does not, however, appear 
that in later years, when poverty laid its heavy hand on the 
unfortunate printer, any of his patrons came to his assistance. 

From 1454 to 1473 ^he name of Mansion is found, year by 
year, as a contributor to the guild of St. John, the formation of 
which has been already noticed. In 147 1 he was "doyen" or 
dean, an office which he held for two years, at the expiration of 
which time he is supposed to have left Bruges for a twelve- 
month in order to learn the new art of printing. This is a 
needless assumption, grounded solely on his subscription for 
1473 having been paid through a brother of the guild. From 
1476 to 1482 his name does not appear at all as a contributor, 
although the dates of the "Boece," the " Quadrilogue," and the 
" Somme rurale," show that he was still at Bruges, and pursuing 
his vocation. His subscription to the guild is again entered 
in 1483, and his name occurs in the guild records for the last 
time in 1484. This was a disastrous year to Colard Mansion; 
for, although not overtaken by death, as his early biographers 
have assumed, disgrace, poverty, and expatriation awaited him. 
He appears to have been in straitened circumstances for some 
years, as in 1480 he could not execute the commission of Mon- 
seigneur de Gazebeke for an illuminated copy of "Valerius 
Maximus," in two volumes, without several advances of money. 
The receipts for these instalments are still preserved, as is also 
a notice of Mansion's place of residence, which was in one of 
the poorest streets in Bruges, leading out of the Rue des Carmes. 
His typographical labours were carried on in one of two rooms 
over the porch of the church of St. Donatus, for which we may 



CO LARD MANSION. 51 

assume that lie paid the same rent as the next tenant, six livres 
per annum. It was in this room that Colard Mansion, in May 
1484, finished his beautiful edition of Ovid's "Metamorphoses," 
a magnificent folio of 386 leaves, full of woodcuts, printed-in 
separately from the text. We know nothing of the sale of 
this noble production ; but the expenses connected with it were 
probably his ruin, for about three months later he left the city. 
The Chapter of St. Donatus, feeling uneasy about their rent, 
soon made inquiries as to the probability of his return, there 
being an opportunity of letting the room to a better tenant ; 
but all was in vain, and in October 1484 the apartment in 
which Mansion had for so many years been labouring at those 
volumes which are now prized as among the glories of Bruges, 
was made over to Jean Gossin, a member of the same guild as 
Mansion, and, like him, engaged in the manufacture of books. 
The Chapter, however, took care not to lose by their tenant's 
flight, for the conditions upon which his room (and probably a 
large stock of printed sheets besides) was made over to Gossin 
were that the latter should pay up all arrears of rent. Nothing 
more is known of Mansion after this sad event; and it is 
mournful to contemplate the poor man turning his back upon 
his native city, to begin life anew at the age of nearly sixty, 
after so many years spent in literary labour. It has been sug- 
gested that he took refuge in Paris, as the names of Paul and 
Eobert Mansion appear as printers in that city in 1650; but 
on this point there is no evidence whatever. 

In examining the productions of Colard Mansion's press, it 
is somewhat perplexing to the lover of accuracy to find that he, 
like all the earliest printers, issued most of his productions 
without date, and many without even name or place. In this 
he merely followed the example of his predecessors, the scribes, 
who seldom affixed their names, or the date of the transcript. 
Van Praet enumerates twenty-one works from his press, and 
another has been since discovered. These, to the eye of a 
printer, naturally divide themselves into two classes. 

1st. Those printed in a large bold Secretary type. 

2nd. Those printed in a smaller semi-roman character, known 
as " Lettres de Somme." 



52 



WILLIAM CAXTON. 



No one acquainted, although but slightly, with the practical 
features of typography can doubt that the early books attributed 
to Caxton, and the early books issued by Mansion, came from 
the same press. Mansion employed for his first type a very 
bold secretary, exactly similar in character to the type first used 
at Westminster. In PL II and III they may be seen in juxta- 
position. It also closely resembled in shape ' and in size the 
character in which Mansion was accustomed to execute his 
manuscripts. He likewise printed, at the head of each chapter, 
the summary in red ink ; and here he displayed so curious an 
instance of typographical ingenuity that the reader's attention 
is particularly requested to it. If we closely examine into the 
appearance which the red ink, as used by Mansion in his 
" Boccace," " Boece," " Somme rurale," and " Ovide," presents, 
it will be noticed that it is very dirty in colour, and moreover 
that the black lines, nearest the red, have their edges tipped 
with red, a defect which the separate printing of lines in red 
ink affords no opportunity for producing. The following ex- 
planation will satisfactorily show the modus operandi. The 
two colours were printed by one and the same pull of the 
press, all the type, both for black and red, being included in 
the same form. But it was impossible to beat the form with 
the balls, and leave a single line in the middle untouched; so 
the whole page was inked black, and then (a space for play 
being always left above and below) the black line was carefully 
wiped from the intended red line, and that line re-inked with 
red by the finger, or by other means, after which the sheet was 
pulled. A twofold inconvenience attended this clumsy process, 
— the black could never be removed so completely that it would 
not taint the ensuing red, and the utmost care would not usually 
prevent the black lines nearest the red receiving a slight touch 
from the red finger, or ball. In fact, both these defects appear 
in every book printed by Colard Mansion, in which the two 
colours were used, and to these was frequently added a third 

the loss of a portion of the black ink nearest to the red 

caused by the wiping process. Actual experiment shows that 
this mode of working both colours at once is the only solution 
of the appearance, and the inducement for its adoption was 



COLARD MANSION. 53 

in all probability the perfect accuracy of " register " it secured, 
as there was thus no fear of the red lines not fitting exactly 
in their proper places — an accuracy very difficult to obtain, by 
separate printings, at a rudimentary press. This peculiarity 
of workmanship in the Bruges printer is not found in any 
book from the Mentz or Cologne presses; indeed all the typo- 
graphical habits of the Bruges and Cologne printers were so 
distinct and opposite that it is difficult to believe in any con- 
nection between them. 

It has been already shown that in early books uneven spacing 
is a sure sign that the workmanship is prior to that of books 
from the same press in which the lines are all of equal length. 
The dated books of Colard Mansion are only six in number, 
which fully bear this out. 

Le Jardin de Devotion before 1476 uneven lines 

Boccace du Dechiet des Nobles Hommes 1476 „ 

Boece de la Consolation de Philosophie T 477 » 

Le Quadrilogue d' Alain Chartier H7&* even lines 

La Somme rurale 1479 ,, 

Les Metamorphoses d'O vide 1484 ,, 

Taking, then, 1478 as the year in which Mansion changed 
his practice, we may assume, without fear of error, that all 
the undated books, with short-spaced lines, were anterior, and 
all the undated books, with their lines spaced to one length, 
posterior to the "Quadrilogue." On this basis his undated 
productions may be thus arranged. 

Before 1478, having lines of an uneven length : — 

Les Dits moraux des Philosophes short-spaced 

Les Invectives contre la Secte de Vauderie „ 

La Controversie de Noblesse „ 

De"bat entre trois valeureux Princes „ 

After 1478, having lines of an even length : — 

Les Advineaux amoureux. Edit. I full-spaced 

La Doctrinal du temps present „ 

La Doctrine de bien vivre 



* The only date in the volume is 1477, which was the year when the 
Prologue was composed : the printing must have been later than this. 



54 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

L'Art de bien mourir full-spaced 

La Purgatoire des mauvais Maris 

L'Abuse en court 

Les E vangiles des Quenouilles 

Le Donat espirituel 

Les Adeuineaux amoreux. Edit. 2 

Dionysii Areopagiticse liber 

Colard Mansion seems never to have produced works from 
his press with rapidity; therefore, as the "Boccace" of 1476 
contained nearly 600 pages in large folio, and the " Boece " of 
1477 about the same, we may fairly assume that the five other 
short-spaced works were anterior to the "Boccace." This 
hypothesis would make Mansion a printer in Bruges about 
the time when Caxton finished his translation of " Le Eecueil 
des Histoires de Troyes." 

In the next Chapter it is proposed to show how all the 
peculiarities noticeable in the printed productions of Colard 
Mansion may be traced in those attributed to William Caxton. 




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CHAPTER VII. 



CAXTON A PRINTER. 



MA 




•to 



*HE evidence as to where and from whom 
Caxton acquired his knowledge of the Art 
of Printing has been considered by nearly 
every bibliographer as being confined 
entirely to the information obtained from 
Caxton's own Prologues and Epilogues, 
with the one addition of the well-known 
quatrain of Wynken de Worde, at the end of his " Bartholo- 
maeus de Proprietatibus Rerum." The argument from technical 
peculiarities in the books themselves has hitherto been almost 
entirely overlooked, although a mass of the truest, because un- 
intentional evidence may be found from the attentive study of 
these dumb witnesses. 

Mr. Bradshaw, of Cambridge, has most truly observed, in his 
" Classified Index," that the bibliographer should "make such 
an accurate and methodical study of the types used and habits 
of printing observable at different presses as to enable him to 
observe and be guided by these characteristics in settling the 
date of a book which bears no date upon the surface."* But 
the great difficulty in the way of this systematic study is the 
impossibility of having the books side by side, for their rarity 
is so great that in no one existing library can they all be found. 



* A classified Index of the fifteenth-century books in the collection of 
M. J. de Meyer. 8vo. London, 1870. 



56 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

The books printed in Caxton's type No. i, used only at 
Bruges, are five in number, although we can trace his direct 
connection with but two of them. 

i. "The Recuyell of the Historyes of Troye," with Pro- 
logues and Epilogues. 

2. "Le Recueil des Histoires de Troye." 

3. " The Game and Playe of the Chesse," with Prologue by 

Caxton. 

4. "Les Pais et Proesses du Chevalier Jason." 

5. "Meditacions sur les Sept Pseaulmes penitenciaulx." 

To these must be added one book printed at Bruges in type 
No. 2. 

6. " Les Quatre Derrennieres Choses." 

Before analysing the evidence supplied by Caxton's remarks 
and dates, it is necessary to explain how easily a mistake may 
be made, and an erroneous conclusion drawn, unless care be 
taken to remember the effect of the change of style upon the 
commencement of the year. In England, from the thirteenth 
century until 1752, the new year began on March 25th; while 
in Holland and Planders it commenced on Easter Day. Neglect 
of this fact has led to many historical errors. Thus, one 
historian states that Charles I was beheaded on January 30th, 
1648, whereas others assert that the event took place on the 
same day in 1649; one dates the flight of James II from his 
kingdom in February, 1688, whilst others date it in 1689. In 
these and many other instances one writer takes the old style of 
beginning the year, whilst others take the new style, each being 
right from his own standpoint. In a lately discovered tract 
printed by Caxton, and known as the "Sex Epistolae," we 
have the text of several letters which passed between the Pope 
and the Doge of Venice, which will be more particularly 
described under " Books in type No. 4." It is merely men- 
tioned here as affording an apt illustration of the foregoing 
remarks. The letters commence on December nth, 1482, and 
succeed one another in due order until the 7 th of January, 
1482, and the end of February, 1482. This was no blunder, 
for the old year continued until March 25 th, which was New- 



CAXTON A PRINTER. 57 

Year's Day, 1483. Returning now to the consideration of 
Caxton's first lessons in the Art of Printing, we will examine 
each of the books attributed to him, commencing with 

" The Recuyell." — This occupies the foremost place, because 
Caxton himself tells us that with it he began his career as a 
printer. Its Prologues and Epilogues contain curious and inte- 
resting gossip from Caxton's own pen, telling us how the Duchess 
of Burgundy, in whose service he then was, commanded him to 
complete the translation, which he had begun but not advanced 
with. He tells us that he began to translate the work at Bruges 
on March 1st, 1468, which, as the year in Flanders did not 
then commence till Easter, was really 1469, that he continued 
it at Ghent, and finished at Cologne on September 19th, 147 1, 
thus making a period of two years and a half ; that on its 
completion he presented it to the duchess, who rewarded him 
handsomely; that many persons desired copies of it, so that, 
finding the labour of writing too wearisome for him, and not 
expeditious enough for his friends, he had practised and learnt, 
at his great charge and expense, to ordain the book in print, to 
the end that every man might have them at once. As was 
natural to a person making practical acquaintance for the first 
time with the effects of typography, Caxton ends with noticing 
what in his eyes, accustomed to see one copy finished before 
another was begun, was the most wonderful feature of the new 
art, namely, that all the copies were begun upon one day, and 
were finished upon one day. 

The periods of time here mentioned by Caxton require 
notice. He began to translate on March 1st, 1469, but soon 
relinquished his self-imposed task, after writing no more than 
five or six quires (or sections of four or five sheets each). 
After the lapse of two years, in March, 1471, he resumed the 
translation, and in the following September he presented the 
duchess with the completed work. Now, six months would 
have been a very likely time for the translation and a fair 
copy thereof to take ; but it would have been impossible to 
have accomplished the printing also in that space of time, 
especially as the whole translation was finished before the 
first sheet was printed, as will be hereafter shown. We may 



58 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

also notice, that the duration of Caxton's visit to Cologne must 
have been very short, as his absence from Bruges lasted no 
more than six months. 

" Le Recueil " has but one date, and that evidently refers 
to the literary compilation alone, and affords no clue whatever 
to the year of printing. Indeed, the numerous copies still 
extant in manuscript prove that the work enjoyed considerable 
popularity before it came under the hands of the printer. The 
date of the printing of this book has been fixed, by several 
writers, between 1464 and 1467, from the consideration that 
Le Fevre, the compiler, is spoken of in the prologue as chaplain 
to the Duke of Burgundy, and in such a manner as to signify 
that the duke was then living. But in the English version 
there is a material difference : Le Fevre is not styled there as 
in the French, " Chappellain de montres redoubte seigneur 
Monseigneur le Due Phillipe de Bourgoingne," but " chapelayn 
vnto the ryght noble glorious and mighty prynce, in Ms tyme, 
Phelip due of Bourgoyne." Philip, therefore, was alive when 
"Le Recueil" was printed, but dead when "The Recuyell" 
went to press. The duke died in 1467 ; and it is therefore 
inferred that "Le Eecueil" must date between 1464 and 1467, 
while "The Recuyell" must be later than 1467. That this 
should be considered as proving anything more than that the 
original French was compiled during the lifetime of Philip, and 
that when Caxton translated the same the duke was dead, seems 
unaccountable. All the copies of "Le Recueil," both manu- 
script and printed, followed the wording of the original, and 
the printer would no more think of altering it in 1476, the 
probable date of imprint, than the transcriber would in copying 
the same twenty-five years later. The National Library at 
Paris has a manuscript of this very book written after 1500, 
but reproducing exactly the clause which, in the printed edition, 
is considered to be a proof of its having been executed prior to 
1467. Caxton altered the prologue of Le Fevre to suit his 
own time, because he was translating; but, in printing from 
the manuscript of another (assuming his connection with " Le 
Recueil"), he would have been in opposition to the practice 
of his age had he altered the original. His translation was 



CAXTON A PRINTER. 59 

in its turn printed and reprinted, word for word, long after it 
was out of date. 

There is, therefore, no reason whatever for asserting that 
"Le Recueil," written in 1464, was printed before "The 
Recuyell," translated in 1474, and sent to press about the 
same date. In fact, the whole tone of the epilogue to Book 
III of " The Recuyell," leads unquestionably to the conclusion 
that that was the very first occasion on which Caxton had 
busied himself with typography. He would never have said, 
" I have learned to ordain this book in printe at my great 
charge and expense," if he had already printed one or two 
others. M. Bernard assumes that Caxton had nothing to do 
with the printing of "Le Recueil," and that it was executed 
before he turned his attention to the new art. This opinion, 
however, has not a single fact to support it. 

" The Chess Book " affords but little evidence of value, 
its prologue being, for the most part, merely a translation of 
that written by Jehan de Vignay for the French original. It 
offers, indeed, one date ; but that is open to question in its 
application. "Fynysshid the last day of marche, 1474," are 
the concluding words of the epilogue. But what was finished, 
the translation, or the printing? From the context it was 
probably the translation, although the printing was not many 
months later. This date also must be advanced a year; for, 
as already noticed, the new year did not commence, in Flanders, 
till Easter Day, which fell, in that year, on April 10th ; so that 
March 31st, 1474, was, according to the modern reckoning, 
March 31st, 1475. 

The prologue to the second edition throws a little light on 
the history of the first. Caxton there says, in reference to 
his connection with the book :".... an excellent doctor of 
divinity .... made a book of the Chess moralised, which, at 
such time as I ivas resident in Bruges, came into my hands. 
.... And to the end that some which have not seen it, nor 
understand french nor latin, I deliberated in myself to translate 
into our maternal tongue ; and when I had so achieved the 
said translation, / did do set in imjprinte, a certain number of 
them which anon were depesshed and sold." He here appears 



60 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

to mean that upon the completion of the translation he em- 
ployed some one else to print it : — "I did do set in imprinte." 
"Did do," according to the idiom of those days, was commonly 
used for doing a thing through the medium of another. The 
phrase was "borrowed from the French — " plain pouoir de prendre 
et faire prendre les larrons," is the wording of an ordinance 
dated in the fifteenth century. " He did do be said to the 
messenger," for "he caused to be said," is found on folio 22 
of the "History of Jason." "The Emperor did do make a 
gate of marble " occurs in the second edition of the " Chess 
Book," fol. 85. Similar examples abound, so that we may 
fairly conclude that Caxton did not himself print the first 
edition of the " Chess Book," but that both the translation and 
the printing were executed in Bruges. 

The other books, namely, the French "Jason," the "Medi- 
tacions," and the " Quatre Derrennieres Choses," contain the 
bare text without remark or date of any kind, being, as biblio- 
graphers say, sine ulld notd. 

The whole of the literary evidence therefore may be briefly 
summed up thus: "The Recuyell" was translated in 147 1, 
and printed some time after ; the " Chess Book " was printed 
after 1474, and probably in the latter half of 1475 '> an d "^ e 
Recueil" was compiled in 1464, but, like the other four, affords 
no evidence of date of the printing, which was probably about 
1476. 

We will now examine the testimony afforded by a comparison 
of the technical peculiarities of these six books. In collating 
"The Recuyell," the make-up of the sections, at the beginning 
of the volume, is worth noting. It was the practice of Caxton, 
as of other printers, to commence the printing of his books with 
the text, any preface which might be requisite, being added 
afterwards in a separate section, with a different kind of signa- 
ture. When, however, the whole of the manuscript, prologue 
as well as text, was complete before it came into the printer's 
hands, there was no occasion for any such arrangement. This 
appears to have been the case with regard to " The Recuyell," 
where nothing has been added at the beginning, as the first 
section of five sheets includes all the introductory matter, as 






*?8 













s 

ar 

r 



* 



to S 






& 



CAXTON A PRINTER. 



6r 



well as a portion of the text. Now the first page, which bears 
the date of the conclusion of the translation, being on the same 
sheet as a portion of the text, it is evident that the whole 
volume must have been in manuscript before any part was set 
up in type. We may infer, indeed, from his own description 
of the effect that so much writing had upon him, that Caxton 
issued several manuscript copies before he thought of using the 
printing-press. The copy presented to the duchess was un- 
doubtedly manuscript ; or else how could Caxton have chronicled 
in the printed work her acceptance of the book and his reward 
for the present 1 And this again leads to the supposition that 
the portion of the epilogue relating to the printing was added 
by Caxton to his original manuscript when he determined to 
print it. 

For precisely similar reasons, Caxton's prologue to the 
" Chess Book," which was a translation or adaptation of the 
original French, is also a portion of the first section of the 
volume. JSTone of the other books under review having pro- 
logues, we will proceed to a comparison of some other typo- 
graphical particulars. 

The following table will show some of the technical features 
of each book, and some of what may be called the "habits" of 
the printer : — 



No. 



Title. 



Size. 



TheRecuyell Fol. 

Le Recueil Fol. 

The Chess Book ... Fol. 
Les Fais du Jason . . Fol. 

Meditacions Fol. 

Les 4 tre derrennieres 
choses Fol. 



Tvpe 
No. 


No. of 

Sheets 

in a 

Section. 


No. of 

Lines 

in a 

Page. 


Measure- 
ment of 
Page. 

Inches. 


Spacing 

of 
Lines. 


03 

U 

a 

.bp 
55 


I 


5 


31 


5 x 71 


uneven 


none 


I 


5 


31 


5 x 71 


uneven 


none 


I 


4 


3i 


5 x 7 | 


uneven 


none 


I 


4 


3i 


5 x 7 § 


even 


none 


1 


4 


3 1 


5 x 7! 


even 


none 


2 


4 


28 


5 x 71 


uneven 


none 



From this table we perceive, — 

First, That the first five books are printed with the same 
types, are all of the same size, and all without signatures ; that 



62 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

all agree exactly in the size of the page; and that the even 
spacing of the lines in the "Meditations" and the "Jason" 
proves that they were produced later than the others. 

Secondly, That the five books in type No. i may be con- 
sidered as the production of one printer. 

Who, then, was this printer? When we attentively ex- 
amine the shape of the letters in type No. i, we notice a 
remarkable similarity between it and that of the writing of 
many Bruges manuscripts of the same period, which would 
induce us, at first sight, to attribute the design of the type to 
some artist of that city. 

M. Bernard, whose opinion is of great weight, where his 
nationality is not concerned, traces the pattern of type No. i 
directly to Colard Mansion of Bruges. Speaking of a manu- 
script in the National Library at Paris, written by Colard Man- 
sion's own hand, he says, " This book is written in old batarde, 
and in exactly the same character as the types of ' Le Recueil 
des histoires de Troyes ; ' " yet he attributes the cutting of the 
types to a French artist, and the printing to a German, Ulric 
Zel. The paper he also claims for a French mill, on account of 
the fleurs de lis, and the Gothic p with the quatrefoil, ignoring 
the fact that these are common Flemish watermarks of the 
fifteenth century, and found in abundance in the books from 
the Bruges and Westminster presses. 

That any of these books in type No. i were printed by Ulric 
Zel, or any other Cologne printer, I cannot for a moment believe. 
It is possible, of course, that Zel, if employed to do so, could 
have designed and cut types of the gros-batarde pattern, 
although, as a fact, he never used such types himself ; but all 
the Cologne printers of that period had their own peculiarities 
and habits, which were not at all those of the Bruges printers. 
Zel, from an early period, printed two pages at a time, as may 
be easily verified where a crooked page occurs ; for the other 
page printed on the same side of the sheet will in every case 
be found crooked also. Now, " The Recuyell " was certainly 
printed page by page, as were likewise all the books from 
Mansion's press. And Caxton, when printing his quarto books, 
cut the paper up and still printed but one page at a time. This 



CAXTON A PRINTER. 63 

accounts for the entire rejection by Mansion,* and the sparing 
use by Caxton of the quarto size for their productions, as it 
necessitated twice as much press-work as the larger size. But 
stronger evidence is to be found in the fact that Zel, after 1467, 
always spaced out the lines of his books to an even length, and 
would have taught any one learning the art from him to do the 
same ; yet this improvement was not adopted by either Mansion 
or Caxton until several years later. Whoever may have been 
the instructor of Mansion and Caxton, and whatever may have 
been the origin of their typography, the opinion that either 
of them, after learning the art in an advanced school such as 
that of Cologne, would have adopted in their first productions, 
without any necessity for so doing, primitive customs which 
they had never been taught, and returned in after years by slow 
degrees to the rules of their original tuition, has only to be 
plainly stated to render it untenable. 

The printer of all these works was undoubtedly Colard 
Mansion, who had just before established his press at Bruges 
— who cast the types on his own model for Caxton, and in- 
structed him in the art while printing with and for him " The 
Kecuyell" and the " Chess Book" — who certainly printed "Les 
Quatre Derrennieres Choses" — who supplied Caxton with the 
material for the establishment of a press in England — who 
about the time of Caxton's departure, used the same type for 
"Le Kecueil" — and who, at a still later period, printed alone 
the "Jason" and the "Meditations." 

We will now examine " Les Quatre Derrennieres Choses," of 
which the only copy known is in the Old Eoyal collection in 
the British Museum. Like all Colard Mansion's books, and 
unlike any one of Caxton's, it is in French. It is printed in 
type jSTo. 2, the type of the " Dictes " of 1477, an ^ a H the early 
books which issued from the Westminster press. Then the 

* Van Praet, Brunet, and especially Campbell in his "Annales de la 
Typographic Neerlandaise," err in describing " Le Purgatoire des mauvais 
Maris," printed by Colard Mansion, as a "petit in-40." The copy de- 
scribed is cut a little more than usual, but the watermark which is in the 
middle of the page proves the size to be folio, whereas had it been quarto 
the watermark must have been in the back and partly hidden by the 
binding. 



64 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

peculiar appearance of the red ink at once attracts attention. 
The two colours have been evidently printed at the same pull 
of the press, as was Colard Mansion's practice. Here the same 
process of wiping the black ink off lines purposely isolated, and 
then re-inking them with red, has been resorted to ; and here, 
too, as in the acknowledged productions of the Bruges press, 
the same defects have been produced; the red ink having a 
tarnished appearance from the subjacent remains of the black, 
and the black lines nearest the red having received a red edging, 
which, however interesting as a connecting link between two 
celebrated printers, by no means increases their typographical 
beauty. Now, as no Cologne printer is known to have resorted 
to this unique method of working in colours, I feel no hesitation 
in ascribing " Les Quatre Derrennieres Choses " either to Colard 
Mansion or to Caxton working under his tuition ; and as this 
peculiarity is nowhere found in Caxton's productions of the 
Westminster press, the former would seem the more likely 
conjecture. 

The connection thus established between the types used by 
Caxton in his first attempts in England and those used by 
Colard Mansion is still further strengthened by the fact that 
the form of the &c, peculiar to type No. i, is in several 
instances, by an evident mixing of the founts, used instead 
of the proper sort belonging to type No. 2. This furnishes 
positive proof that the two founts were under one roof, whether 
at Cologne or Bruges, or elsewhere. Whoever printed the five 
books in type No. 1 most certainly owned type No. 2 also. 

Against all this, however, has to be placed the direct assertion 
of Wynken de Worde, who, in the proheme to his undated 
edition of " Bartholomseus de Proprietatibus Eerum," gives the 
following rhyme : — 

"And also of your charyte call to remembraunce 

The soule of William Caxton first prynter of this boke 
In laten tonge at Coleyn hyself to auauce 

That euery well disposyd man may thereon loke." 

The phraseology of this verse is very ambiguous. Are we to 
understand that the editio princeps of " Bartholomaeus " pro- 



CAXTON A PRINTER. 65 

ceeded from Caxton's press, or that he only printed the first 
Cologne edition? that he issued a translation of his own, 
which is the only way in which the production of the work 
could advance him in the Latin tongue ? or, that he printed in 
Latin to advance his own interests 1 The last seems the most 
probable reading. But though the words will bear many con- 
structions, they are evidently intended to mean that Caxton 
printed " Bartholomaeus " at Cologne. Now this seems to be 
merely a careless statement of Wynken de Worde; for if 
Caxton did really print " Bartholomaeus " in that city, it must 
have been with his own types and presses, as the workmanship 
of his early volumes proves that he had no connection with the 
Cologne printers, whose practices were entirely different. The 
time necessary for the production of so extensive a work would 
have been considerable ; therefore, as Caxton's stay at Cologne 
on the occasion of his finishing the translation of " Le Eecueil " 
was but short, the printing of this apocryphal " Bartholomaeus " 
would have been at a subsequent visit, of which there is no 
record. No edition has yet been discovered which can, by any 
stretch of the imagination, be attributed to Caxton, although 
there is more than one old undated edition belonging to the 
German school of printing. Accuracy of information was in 
those days not much studied, and to a general carelessness 
about names and dates Wynken de Worde added a negligence 
peculiarly his own. We may excuse him for using Caxton's 
device in several books which by their dates and types are 
known to have been printed by himself, as well as for putting 
Caxton's name as printer to the edition of the " Golden Legend," 
printed in 1493, two years after his master's death. Such 
inaccuracies were thought but little of at that time. But how 
can we account for the blundering alteration in the 1495 e ^i- 
tion of the " Polycronicon," where Wynken de Worde, making 
himself the speaker in Caxton's prologue, four years after his 
master's death, promises to carry the history down to 1485; or 
for the still greater error in the "Dictes" of 1528, in which, 
while adopting Caxton's epilogue, but substituting his own 
for Caxton's name, he makes all the transactions there related 
happen between Earl Eivers (who had been fifty years in his 



66 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

grave) and himself? Wynken de Worde's blunders in state- 
ments are well matched by his blunders in workmanship, of 
which, however, we will quote but two. In Caxton's edition 
of the " Stans Puer ad Mensam," the third and fourth pages of 
the poem were accidentally transposed ; yet Wynken de Worde, 
notwithstanding the break of sequence, blindly reprints the 
error ! Again, in his edition of " The Horse, the Shepe, and 
the Ghoos," he actually omits a whole page without discovering 
his mistake ! Other examples might easily be quoted, but 
enough has been adduced to show that "Wynken de Worde was 
by no means careful in his statements.* 

We must remember that Wynken de Worde, moreover, was 
too young to have had any personal knowledge of Caxton's 
early efforts, and that the vast importance of the art to the 
entire world, and the interest attaching to its origin, were ideas 
which would find no place in the mind of a fifteenth-century 
printer. We must not, therefore, regard De Worde's statement 
as deliberately made for the purpose of telling posterity some- 
thing about Caxton. Lewis, Caxton's first biographer, was 
very sceptical concerning this Cologne edition of "Bartholo- 
mseus." " Its having a Latin title," he says, " might possibly 
deceive De Worde, and make him think it was printed in 
Latin. However this may be, it does not appear that any 
edition of it, printed by Caxton or any one else, either in Latin 
or English, that year, is now in being." 

* William Caxton, except in the occasional interchange of i and y, which 
were at that period considered as equivalents, never altered the ortho- 
graphy of his name, a fact the more noticeable as the name certainly 
varied in pronunciation : but Wynken de Worde, although mentioning his 
master's name but eight times, contrived to make the four variations of 
Caxton, Caxston, Caston, and Caxon. With regard to his own name 
Wynken de Worde appears to have tried how many variations he could 
invent, of which the following list is not even complete : — 

Wynken de Worde. Wynandus de Worde. 

Wynden de Worde. Wynandus de word. 

Wynkyn de Worde. winandus de worde. 

Wynkyn The worde. Vunandus de worde. 

Wynkyn the Worde. Vuinandi de vuorde. 

Wynkyn de Word. Winand i V Vordensi. 

Winquin de Worde. Winandi de Wordensis. 



CAXTON A PRINTER. 6 7 

Perhaps De Worde, who reprinted " The Recuyell," had some 
vague recollection of Caxton having stated that he had been at 
Cologne, and carelessly adopted the idea as giving point and 
rhyme to his verses. 

The following anecdotes illustrate in a curious manner the 
typographical connection between Mansion and Caxton. A 
bookseller of Paris purchased an old volume for the moderate 
sum of one louis. Ignorant of its great value, he took it to 
M. de La Serna Santander, and asked him if he thought two 
louis too dear. "No," replied the wary bibliographer, and gave 
him the money. That volume is now in the National Library 
at Paris, and contains, bound together in the original boards, the 
" Quadrilogue," printed by Mansion at Bruges, and the French 
"Jason," printed in Caxton's type No. i. Something similar 
to this happened in 1853, when Mr. Winter Jones discovered 
in the Library of the British Museum, " Les Quatre Derrennieres 
Choses," in Caxton's type No. 2, bound up with the "Medi- 
tacions," in type No. 1, and with contemporary handwriting 
running from the last page of one work to the first of the 
other, the volume being evidently in its original state, just as 
it was printed and bound at Bruges, in the little workshop of 
Colard Mansion over the church porch of St. Donatus. 

Here, perhaps, I may be excused if I venture to build a 
brief history, founded, in the absence of sure foundation, in 
many parts on probability only, but which may nevertheless 
be welcome to some as an attempt to draw into a consistent 
narrative the scattered threads of Caxton's career between 147 1 
and his establishment at Westminster. 

Caxton, having finished and been rewarded for his trouble 
in translating "Le Recueil" for the Duchess of Burgundy, 
found his book in great request. The English nobles at Bruges 
wished to have copies of this the most favourite romance of 
the age, and Caxton found himself unable to supply the demand 
with sufficient rapidity. This brings us to the year 1472 or 
1473. Colard Mansion, a skilful caligrapher, must have been 
known to Caxton, and may even have been employed by him 
to execute commissions. Mansion, who had obtained some 
knowledge of the art of printing, although certainly not from 



68 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

Cologne, had just begun his typographical labours at Bruges, 
and was ready to produce copies by means of the press, if 
supported by the necessary patronage and funds. Caxton 
found the money, and Mansion the requisite knowledge, by the 
aid of which appeared "The Eecuyell," the first book printed 
in the new type, and moreover the first book printed in the 
English language. This, probably, was not accomplished till 
1474, and was succeeded, on Caxton's part, in another year, by 
an issue of the " Chess Book," which, as we are informed in a 
second edition, was "anone depesshed and solde." Mansion, 
finding success attended the new adventure, printed the French 
"Recueil," and, after Caxton's return to England, the Erench 
"Jason" and the "Meditacions." The three Erench works 
were doubtless published by Mansion alone, as Caxton is not 
known to have printed a single book in French, although 
perfectly acquainted with that language. Caxton, having thus 
printed at Bruges " The Eecuyell " and the " Chess Book " 
with types either wholly or in part belonging to Mansion, now 
obtained a new fount of the pattern of the large batarde already 
in use by Mansion, but smaller in size, with the intention of 
practising the art in England. To test its capabilities, "Les 
Quatre Derrennieres Choses" was then produced under the 
immediate supervision of Mansion. 

Early in 1476 Caxton appears to have taken leave of the 
city where he had resided for five and thirty years, and to 
have returned to his native land laden with a more precious 
freight than the most opulent merchant-adventurer ever dreamt 
of, and to endow his country with a blessing greater than any 
other which had ever been bestowed, save only the introduction 
of Christianity. 




CHAPTEE VIII. 



WESTMINSTER. 




f N tlie preceding chapters Caxton's career as 
an Apprentice, as a Merchant, as Governor 
of the Merchant-Adventurers, as a Magis- 
trate, and as an Ambassador, has been 
traced; the revival of literary tastes in 
Europe has been briefly sketched, as well 
as the literary influences by which Caxton 
was surrounded ; and we have seen his translation of a romance 
for the Duchess of Burgundy obtain such popularity that he 
was forced to have recourse to the new art of printing, in order 
to multiply copies quickly : but we have yet to investigate 
the most important period of his history — those last fifteen 
years, to which the whole of his former life seems but the 
introduction — that short period which alone has caused the 
name of Caxton to be inscribed on the tablets of history, and 
the typographical relics of which form the best and only 
memorial which England possesses of her first printer.* 

We left Caxton early in 1476 preparing to return to Eng- 
land, after having disposed of his printed copies of the " Chess 
Book " in Bruges. The next certain notice of him is after 



* There is certainly the Roxburghe tablet in St. Margaret's Church, 
Westminster ; and, better still, there is a " Caxton Pension" in connection 
with the "Printers' Corporation," by which the needs of some afflicted 
successors in Caxton's craft are alleviated ; but a memorial worthy of our 
first printer and of his countrymen has never yet been attempted. 



70 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

his settlement at Westminster, when, in November 1477, he 
had printed his first edition of the " Dictes and Sayings of 
the Philosophers." This book is, in fact, the earliest we have 
from Caxton's press with an indisputable imprint. It is evident 
that his arrangements for settling in England, the engagement 
of assistants, and all the other matters inseparable from a 
novel undertaking, must have occupied a considerable time. 
If, therefore, we assume that Caxton commenced his new 
career in this country about the latter half of 1476 we cannot 
be far wrong. A cautious man, he began to try his powers, 
and ascertain the probable sale for his productions, by printing 
small pieces. Copland, one of his workmen, who served with 
Wynken de Worde after his first master's death, has a curious 
remark upon this in the prologue to his edition of " Kynge 
Apolyn of Thyre," with which romance he appears to have 
commenced, his career as a printer. " Whiche booke I, Roberte 
Copland, have me applyed for to translate oute of the Frenshe 
language into our maternal tongue, at the exhortacyon of my 
forsayd mayster [Wynken de Worde], gladly followynge the 
trace of my mayster Caxton, begynnynge loith small storyes and 
jpamfletes, and so to other." That Westminster was the locality 
in which Caxton first settled, there is, fortunately, no room to 
doubt ; but as the exact spot has given rise to considerable 
discussion, it may be useful to collect all the instances in which 
Caxton connects his own name with a definite locality. We 
therefore give the following extracts taken verbatim et literatim 
from his works : — 

1477. Dictes and Sayings. First edition. Epilogue, en- 
prynted by me loilliam Caxton at westmestre. 

1478. Moral Proverbs. Colophon. I liaue en/printed .... 
At westmestre. 

1480. Chronicles of England. First edition. Colophon. 
enprinted by me William Caxton Jn thabbcy of icest- 
mynstre by london. 

1480. Description of Britain. First edition. Prologue. 
the comyn cronicles of englond ben .... now late en- 
printed at westmynstre. 



WESTMINSTER. 71 

1 48 1. Mirrour of the World. First edition. Prologue. 

And emprised by me . ... to translate it into our 

maternal tongue .... in thabbay of westmestre by 

london. 
148 1. Reynard the Fox. First edition. Epilogue, by me 

wilVm Condon translated . ... in thabbey of west- 
mestre. 
1 48 1. Godfrey of Bologne. Epilogue, sette in forme and 

emprynted .... in thabbey of westmester. 
1483. Pilgrimage of the Soul. Colophon. Emprynted at 

westmestre by william Caxton. 
1483. Liber Festivalis. First edition. Colophon. Emprynted 

at W&dmynster by wyllyam Caxton. 
1483. Quatuor Sermones. First edition. Colophon. En- 

prynted by Wylllam Caxton at Westmestre. 
1483. Confessio Amantis. Colophon. Emprynted at loest- 

mestre by me ivillyam Caxton. 
1483. Golden Legend. First edition. Epilogue, fynysslied 

it at westmestre. 
1483. Caton. Colophon. Translated . ... by William 

Caxton in thabbey of Westmynstre. 

1483. Knight of the Tower. Colophon. enprijnted at 
Westmynstre. 

1484. iEsop. Epilogue, enprynted by me william Caxton at 
ivestmynstre in thabbay. 

1484. The Order of Chivalry. Epilogue, translated .... 
by me William Caxton dwellynge in Westmynstre besyde 
london. 

1485. King Arthur. Colophon, emprijnted and fynysslied 
in thabbey westmestre. 

1485. Paris and Yienne. Colophon, translated . ... by 

wylliam Caxton at Westmestre. 
[1489.] Directorium Sacerdotum. Colophon. Impressum 

.... apud Westmonesterium. 
1489. Doctrinal of Sapience. Colophon, translated .... 

by loijllyam Caxton at Westmestre. 
To these must be added Caxton's Advertisement, printed 
about 1480. 



72 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

"If it plese ony man spirituel or temporel to bye ony pyes 
of two and thre comemoracios of salisburi vse enpryntid after 
the forme of this preset lettre whiche ben wel and truly cor- 
rect, late hym come to loestmonester in to the almonesrye at the 
reed pale and he shal haue them good chepe." 

The following quotations are from titles or colophons of 
books printed by Wynken de Worde in the house of his late 
master, only three of which are dated. 

SCALA PERFECTIONIS, 1 493. 

And Wynkyn de Worde this hath sett in print. 

In William Caxstons hows so fyll the case. 
Directoeium Sacerdotum, 1495. In domo Caxton Wynkyn 

fieri fecit. 
Lyndewode's Constitutions, 1496. Apud Westmonasterium. 

In domo caxston. 
The xii Profytes of Tribulacyon. Enprynted at West- 

myster in Caxtons hous. 
Donatus Minor. In domo Caxton in westmonasterio. 
Whital's Dictionary. Imprynted in the late hous of William 

Caxton. 
Accedence. Prynted in Caxons house at westmynstre. 
The Chorle and the Byrde. Emprynted at icestmestre in 

Caxtons house. 
Doctrynalle of Dethe. Enprynted at westmynsier Jn Cax- 
tons hous. 
Ortus Vocabulorum. prope celeberrimum monasterium quod 

ivestmynstre appellatur impressum. 

Adding to the foregoing the testimony of Stow, we shall 
have before us all the evidence of any authority. 

" Neare vnto this house westward was an old chappel of 
S. Anne, ouer against the which the Lady Margaret, mother to 
King H. the 7. erected an Almeshouse for poore women .... 
the place wherein this chappell and Almeshouse standeth was 
called the Elemosinary or Almory, now corruptly the Ambry, 
for that the Almes of the Abbey were there distributed to the 



WESTMINSTER. 73 

poore. And therin Islip, Abbot of Westrnin. erected the first 
Presse of booke printing that euer was in England about the 
yeare of Christ 1471. William Caxton, cittizen of London, 
mercer, brought it into England, and was the first that practised 
it in the sayde Abbey." 

Keviewing the foregoing quotations, it will be noticed that 
although the precise expression, Printed in the Abbey of West- 
minster, is affixed to some books, yet the more general phrase 
Printed at Westminster is also used, and evidently refers to the 
same locality, for otherwise we must suppose Caxton to have 
carried on two separate printing-offices for many years. The 
word "Abbey " did not assume its modern sense, as applicable 
only to the fabric, until after the Keformation ; and the phrase 
"dwelling at Westminster," used in 1484, just after "printed 
in the Abbey," 1483, and before "printed in the Abbey," 1485, 
proves that Caxton himself attached to the word no very 
restrictive idea. We find also, from the above-mentioned 
advertisement, that "Westminster" in that instance meant 
" The Almonesrye," where Caxton occupied a tenement, called 
"The Ked-pale." The Almonry was a space within the Abbey 
precincts, where alms were distributed to the poor; and here 
the Lady Margaret, mother of King Henry VII, and one of 
Caxton's patronesses, built almshouses. Other houses were 
also there ; and we therefore conclude that by the words in the 
Abbey Caxton meant nothing more than that he resided within 
the Abbey precincts. 

The position of St. Anne's Chapel and the Almonry, in 
relation to that of the Abbey Church, seems to have been 
misunderstood by all the biographers of Caxton. Dr. Dibdin, 
Charles Knight, and others, place them on the site of the 
Chapel of Henry VII, which is the east end of the Abbey. 
The Almonry was considerably to the west, and the following 
statements, gathered from Stow, will give its exact locality. 
After describing the monastery and the king's palace, he pro- 
ceeds to sa} r , "now will I speake of the gate house, and of 
Totehill streete, stretching from the west part of the Close. . . . 
The gate towards the ivest is a Gaile for offenders .... On 
the Southside of this gate, king H. the 7. founded an almes- 



74 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

house .... Neare vnto this house westward was an old chappel 
of S. Anne .... the place wherein this chappel .... standeth 
was called the Almory." The Almonry was therefore west- 
south-west of the western front of the Abbey. 

It has been argued that Caxton was permitted by the abbot 
to use the " Scriptorium " of the abbey as a printing-office. 
Printing, even in these days of improvement, is necessarily in 
some parts a very unclean operation, but it was much more 
so in its earlier years, some of the processes employed being 
extremely filthy and pungent. The Abbot of Westminster 
would never have admitted into the scriptorium anything so 
defiling, much less within the sacred walls of the church itself. 
There is, indeed, no evidence that any portion of the abbey 
was ever appropriated as a scriptorium : no mention of such a 
place is made by any historian, nor has any manuscript been 
recognised as having issued thence. 

The Abbot of Westminster, at the time of Caxton's arrival 
in England, was John Esteney, who succeeded to that office in 
1474, upon the promotion of Thomas Milling to the Bishopric 
of Hereford. Those writers who maintain that Caxton returned 
to England before 1474 have mentioned Milling as his patron. 
George Fascet succeeded Abbot Esteney in 1498, and was in 
turn succeeded by John Islip in 1500. Stow's chronology is 
very faulty in ascribing to Abbot Islip any connection with 
Caxton, whose death occurred about nine years before Islip's 
election to the abbacy. 

There is nothing to lead to the supposition that Caxton 
and Abbot Esteney were on intimate terms ; indeed, the pro- 
bability is that they knew but little of each other. Our 
printer mentions Esteney but once, and that only casually, as 
illustrating the difficulty which even educated men experienced 
in deciphering documents of a bygone age. In the prologue to 
the " Eneydos," Caxton says, " My lord abbot of Westmynster 
did do shelve to me late certayn euydences wryton in old 
Englisshe, for to reduce it into our Englisshe now vsid." The 
sense of "did do she we," as already noticed, would seem 
merely to signify " caused to be shewn ; " or in other words, 
the abbot only sent the documents. Caxton always appears to 



WESTMINSTER. 75 

have recorded, in prologue or epilogue, the names of those by 
whom he was employed ; and if he had received any favour or 
patronage from the abbot, he would in all likelihood have 
dedicated one of his numerous translations to him, as he did to 
so many of his patrons, some of whom, like Hugh Bryce and 
William Praat, were plain "Mercers" only. 

It is unlikely, therefore, that Caxton went to Westminster 
by invitation of the abbot, or that he occupied any place within 
the church itself, or that he stood in any other relation to 
the abbot than that of tenant. The rent-roll of the abbey was 
under the immediate charge of the abbot's chamberlain, and 
with him Caxton would have to agree as to his tenure of " The 
Ked-pale " in the Almonry. 

The reason of Caxton's preference for the Almonry is not at 
all evident, though his being a Mercer may, possibly, have had 
some connection with his choice, as the Mercers' Company held 
certain tenements of the abbots of Westminster. Some of 
these were in the parish of St. Martin Otewich (Broad Street 
Ward), within the city walls ; and there was also a tenement 
called "The Pye," and another called "The Grehounde," the 
localities of which are not mentioned. The rents paid for these 
are duly entered in the "Renter Wardens' Account-books," at 
Mercers' Hall. But whatever induced Caxton to settle at 
Westminster, we may safely infer, from his own mention, not 
more than two or three years later, of " The Red-pale " as his 
house, that it was there he originally established himself, that 
there his translations were made and works printed, and that 
there, surrounded by his books and presses, and soothed by the 
loving attentions of his daughter, he breathed his last. 

Wynken de Worde, his immediate successor, printed several 
books in the same place, dating them from " Caxton's house in 
Westminster." This phrase was considered, by the early bio- 
graphers of Caxton, as proving that he had migrated from the 
side chapel, where they assumed he first set up his press, and 
established himself in a new residence. Bagford, with his usual 
fertility of invention, identified the very street and house into 
which Caxton moved, and assigned reasons for his ejection 
from the abbey. For many years an old house in the Almonry 



76 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

was currently believed to have been that in which our first 
printer dwelt ; but Mr. Nichols, who, as well as Knight, gives 
a woodcut of it, is of opinion that the house could not be older 
than the time of Charles I. Upon its demolition in 1846, 
portions of the beams were made into walking-sticks and snuff- 
boxes, and presented to various patrons of literature as genuine 
relics of the famous printer. Interesting, indeed, would it have 
been if we could have identified the exact spot where the first 
press was placed on English soil, and still more so if we could 
have stood in the very room where Caxton worked; but un- 
certainty hangs over all this part of our history. 

The printers of the fifteenth century, especially in Holland 
and Flanders, very frequently used armorial bearings for their 
trade-marks, the shield being represented as 
hanging from the branch of a tree. A broad 
band down the centre of the shield is, in 
heraldic language, called a " pale," and this, 
if painted red, would be a "red pale." 
Doubtless this was the sign used by Caxton 
to designate his house. The woodcut oppo- 
site, taken from Holtrop's " Monumens Typo- 
graphiques," pi. 71, shows a house of the 
fifteenth century, which has two tenants, both printers, each 
of whom has a sign. This was in Antwerp. The printers at 
Delff, in Holland, used a " black pale " for their marks. 

We have already mentioned "The Greyhound" as being held 
by the Mercers' Company from the Abbots of Westminster. 
From the same "Account-book" it appears that in 1477 the 
"livelihode" made a "visitation," and "kept a dinner" at 
"The Greyhound," which cost them 265. 8d., besides 2d. for 
washing the table-cloth. There is nothing to indicate the locality 
of this tenement; but from the fact that mercers, as well as 
drapers, dealt largely in cloth and various woollen goods, they 
would necessarily be much interested in the great staple of 
wool, held at fixed intervals, not far from the abbey walls.* 
They would therefore require a place in the neighbourhood for 

* Stow says the Abbots of Westminster had six wool-houses in the 
Staple granted them by King Henry VI. 




WESTMINSTER. 



77 



meeting during their visitation, which would, at the same time, 
afford them good accommodation for a dinner at its close. 

And here we may remark that, although so much of his 
attention was devoted to translating and printing, Caxton 
prohahly still took considerable interest in his old vocation. 
The wool-staple at Westminster was an important mart, and 




many of the merchants resorting thither were fellow-mercers 
and benefactors to St. Margaret's Church. Some of them were 
also fellow-members with Caxton of the " Fraternity or Guild 
of our Blessed Lady Assumption." Several of the "Account- 
books " of this brotherhood are still preserved in the vestry of 
St. Margaret's \ and although they nowhere state its objects, it 



78 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

seems, from the entries of salaries paid to priests, from money 
spent in obits, wax, and vestments, and from the granting of a 
few pensions, to have been somewhat like the " benefit societies " 
of the present day, with the additional advantage of prayers for 
the repose of the souls of deceased members. And yet, if only 
a religious guild, it is not apparent why they required certain 
tenements in Aldermary, which they leased of the Mercers' 
Company, not far from the Steel Yard of the Hanse merchants, 
where large quantities of raw wool were stapled. But whatever 
may have been the objects of this guild, their accounts, made 
up by their clerk every three years, show that towards the end 
of the fifteenth century they were in a flourishing state, with 
a good balance to their credit; and that, on Midsummer-day, 
they, too, had a " general feast," on which they spent a large 
portion of their income. The expenses of these lavish feasts, 
each time filling at least two folio pages, are entered in the 
accounts with great minuteness, from the amount paid to the 
"chief cok" as a reward (which was more than twelve guineas 
of modern money), down to the boat-hire for the "turbuts," 
and nearly £4 for "pottes broken and wasted at the same 
fest."* Of this guild Caxton was a member for some years 
before his death. 

* After an entry of the payment of six priests' salaries, there occur — 
" Costes and pcelles allowed by the hole Brotherhode toward thexpences 
of the genall fest in iij de yere of this accompt." 
These "Costs and Parcels" occupy two folio pages, and contain the 
following among other items : — 

" A tonn of wyne vj li " 

" Paide to John Drayton chief cok for his re- 
ward xxv s " 
" Also for the hire of xxiiij doseyn of erthen 

pottes for ale & wyne iiij s " 

"Also for erthen pottes broken & wasted at 

the same fest vj s viij d " 

" Also to iiij players for their labour xij s x d " 

"Also to iij mynstrelles ix s x d" 

"Also for the mete of diuers strangers xvj s " 

" Also for russhes iij s iiij d " 

" Also for vj doseyn of white cuppes iiij s " 

" Also for portage and botehyre of the Turbut iiij d " 

" Also for ix Turbutts xv s ij d " 



WESTMINSTER. 79 

It is pleasant to think of our printer as retaining the friend- 
ship of the City merchants after all official relationship between 
them had been dissolved. That this was the case is proved by 
his warm eulogy of the City of London, and his continuance as 
a member of the Mercers' Company. He, no doubt, had many 
personal friends and supporters; indeed, it would be hardly a 
stretch of the imagination to fancy that, during the holding of 
the great wool-staple at Westminster, Caxton would be no dis- 
interested observer, and that at its close, when the wardens and 
the " livelihode " nocked to the " dener kept at the grehounde," 
if not there by right as a liveryman of the Mercers' Company, 
the printer would be always a welcome guest. Surely, before 
parting, in remembrance of past associations and services, one of 
the drinking-pledges would be, " The health of William Caxton, 
late governor of our fellowship beyond the sea." 

But to return to facts. There is no doubt that Caxton was 
residing in his tenement in the Almonry when he printed the 
"Dictes"in 1477. He would, therefore, be in the parish of 
St. Margaret : and it is somewhat remarkable that a person 
bearing the same name was buried there about two years later. 
In 1479 * ne parochial records show an entry among the receipts 
of the burial fees of twenty pence for two torches and three 
tapers at a low mass for William Caxton. Dibdin assumes 
this man to have been our printer's father : possibly so, but 
there is no evidence of kindred. We may notice, however, 
that although the amount paid may to us seem trifling, yet it 
was more than double the average burial fees of that period, 
as is evidenced by the same accounts. About this time the 
king ordered a payment of £z° (equal to ^400 or ^450 now) 
to be made to Caxton for " certain causes or matters performed 

Besides scores of "Capons, chekyns, gese, conyes, andpeiones" (pigeons), 
the chief "cok" provided them with "swannys" and "herons," with all 
sorts of fish, including oysters and " see pranys," or prawns, with all sorts 
of meats and game, with jellies in "ix dosen gely dishes," and with abun- 
dance of fruits. The quantity of ale, wine, and ypocras provided by the 
butler is marvellous, and one cannot wonder at the heavy entries for 
"pottes and cuppes broken and wasted." The cook seems to have been 
paid much more liberally than the wardens, who had but xxx s between 
them " for their diligence." 



8o WILLIAM CAXTON. 

by him for the said Lord the King." Might not this have been 
for assistance to Edward IV and his retinue when fugitives at 
Bruges 1 

Caxton, as might be expected, held a high position in his 
parish ; and, within a very short time of his arrival, his name 
appears as auditor of the parish accounts. The parish audit 
seems to have been a very simple affair. It was open to all 
the parishioners, and the accounts were probably read aloud 
by the clerk who was engaged by the churchwardens to keep 
them. The balance in cash, and the custody of the " trea- 
sures " in the church, were then handed over to the incoming 
wardens, and the names of the most substantial parishioners 
present were added by the clerk to the usual form declaring 
the correctness of the accounts. The business on these occa- 
sions was fitly concluded by a good " supper." Caxton' s name 
appears annexed to the audit for the years 1478-80, 1480-82, 
1482-84; and it would have been most gratifying to have 
found that the signatures at the end of these and other accounts 
were genuine autographs. All the names, however, are in the 
same handwriting, which is that of the scribe or priest engaged 
to keep the parish books. 

Caxton did not enter upon his new adventure of printing 
books without good and able patronage. Edward IV, as we 
have seen, paid him a sum of money for certain services per- 
formed; and Caxton printed "Tully" and "Godfrey" under 
the king's " protection." The king's sister Margaret, Duchess 
of Burgundy, was his friend and supporter, and perchance may 
have paid a visit to her old servant at the "Ked-pale," when 
she visited England in 1480. Margaret, Countess of Kichmond, 
mother of King Henry VII, also favoured his designs. Earl 
Rivers, brother to the queen, was a fast friend, with whom 
Caxton seems to have enjoyed a considerable degree of intimacy, 
and the Earl of Warwick likewise must have had some know- 
ledge of him, as Caxton dedicated to him the " Chess-Book." 
The "Order of Chivalry" was dedicated to Richard III. Henry 
VII personally desired Caxton to translate and print the "Eayts 
of Arms," and the " Eneydos " was specially presented to Arthur, 
Prince of Wales. Master William Daubeney, King Henry VI's 



WESTMINSTER. 81 

treasurer, was his "good and synguler friend." William, Earl 
of Arundel, took great interest in his progress, and allowed 
him the " yearly fee " of a buck in summer and a doe in winter. 
Sir John Fastolf, a great lover of books, of whose library several 
volumes still exist; Hugh Bryce, mercer and king's ambassador; 
William Pratt, a rich mercer ; and divers unnamed " gentylmen 
and ladyes," are known to have employed him. Some of these, 
like the " noble lady with many faire doughters," for whom he 
produced " The Knyght of the Toure," engaged him to translate 
as well as to print. 

In i486 death deprived Caxton of his old friend William 
Pratt, who, on his death-bed, requested him to print "The 
Book of Good Manners." The terms in which Caxton men- 
tions Pratt as a fellow mercer, an honest man, and " a singular 
friend of old knowledge," show that a close bond of union 
existed between the two. It is to be hoped that their mutual 
object — " the amendment of manners, and the increase of vir- 
tuous living " — Avas promoted by the publication. 

In 1490 died, and was buried at St. Margaret's, one "Mawde 
Caxton," of whose relationship to William Caxton there is no 
direct evidence. It may have been the Maude who, twenty- 
nine years earlier, became his wife while he was yet in Bruges : 
if so, it will explain, in a most interesting manner, the reason 
why he in that year suspended printing the " Fayts of Arms," 
until he had finished a new undertaking, " The Arte and Crafte 
to Die Well." 

The history of Caxton after his settlement at Westminster is 
almost confined to a catalogue of the productions of his press. 
Fortunately many were printed from his own manuscript, and 
have additions which often afford the date of translation or of 
printing. The following table presents an arrangement of these 
books, from which we may obtain some idea of the time occupied 
in their translation and printing. The majority of Caxton's 
works, however, bear no date whatever; and here the only 
basis of a correct arrangement must be a careful examination 
and comparison of the peculiarities of the various types. In 
this table variations may be noticed from some of the dates as 
printed by Caxton ; but these are merely apparent discrepancies 



82 



WILLIAM CAXTON. 



caused by the difference between the old and new style of 
reckoning the commencement of the year, and also by the 
custom, then so common, of dating by the regnal year of the 
sovereign. 



DATES. 


TRANSLATION. 


PRINTING. 


1477 — Nov. 18... 
1478 — Feb. 20... 
1479— Feb. 3... 

Mar. 24.. 
1480 — Apr. 22... 

June 10... 

Aug. 18... 
148 1 — Jan. 2... 

Mar. 8... 

Mar. 12... 

June 6... 

June 7.. 

Aug. 12 .. 

Nov. 20... 
1482— July 2... 

Oct. 8... 
1483 — June 1.. 

June 6... 
June 30... 
Sept. 2... 
Nov. 20... 
Dec. 23... 
1484 — Jan. 31... 
Mar. 26... 

Sept. 13... 
1485 — June 18... 

July 31... 

Aug. 31... 

Dec. 1... 

Dec. 19... 
i486 — June 8... 
1487 — May 11... 
1489 — Jan. 23... 

May 7 . . . 

July 8... 

>> 
1490— June 15... 
June 22... 
July 14... 




Dictes, 1st edition (e) 
Moral Proverbs (e) 
Cordyale (6) 
Cordyale (e) 








Ovid, 15th Book (e)... 


Chronicles, 1st edit, (e) 
Description, 1st ed. {e) 




Mirrour, 1st edit. {b)... 
Mirrour, 1 st edit, (e) . . . 
Godfrey (&) 






Reynart, 1st edit. (e)... 
Godfrey (e) 








Tully (e) 
Godfrey (e) 


Polycronicon (e) 


Chronicles, 2nd ed .(e) 


Knight of the Toure (e) 
iEsop (e) 






Pylgremage {e) 
Festival (e) 
Confessio (e) 
Golden Legend (e) 






Caton (e) 


Knight of the Toure (e) 

iEsop (e) 

Order of Chivalry (e) 






Ryal Book (e) 


Charles (e) 






King Arthur (e) 


Paris and Vienne (e) ... 


Charles (e) 

Paris and Vienne (e) 


Good Manners (e) 


Good Manners (e) 


Fayts(6) 

Doctrinal (e) 




Fayts (e) 






Directorium, 2nd ed. (e) 


Art and Craft (e) 

Enevdos (e) 






Fayts (e) 





(b) means beyan. 



(e) means ended. 



WESTMINSTER. S3 

The same table shows that Caxton took ten weeks for the 
translation of the "Mirrour of the World," containing 198 
pages; twelve weeks for " Godefroy of Bologne," 284 pages; 
and nearly six months for " Fayts of Arms," 286 pages. The 
period occupied in printing " Cordyale," 152 pages, was only 
seven weeks, whilst "Godfrey," supposing the printing imme- 
diately to follow the completion of the translation, took nearly 
six months. The " Knight of the Tower," 208 pages, required 
eight months; "Charles the Great," 188 pages, five and a half 
months; "Paris and Vienne," 70 pages, three and a half 
months; "Good Manners," 132 pages, eleven months; and 
"Fayts of Arms," 286 pages, more than a year. 

Caxton's own translations made in this country were The 
"Whole Life of Jason ; the Mirror of the World ; Eeynart the 
Fox ; Godfrey of Bulloyn ; the Golden Legend ; the book 
called Caton ; the Knight of the Tower ; iEsop's Fables ; the 
Order of Chivalry ; the Eoyal Book ; the Life of Charles the 
Great ; the History of the Knight Paris and the Fair Vienne ; 
the Book of Good Manners ; the Doctrinal of Sapience ; the 
Fayts of Arms ; the Art and Craft to Die Well ; Eneydos ; the 
Curial ; the Life of St. Winifred ; Blanchardin and Eglantine ; 
the Four Sons of Aymon ; and the Gouvernayle of Health. 
These contain more than 4,500 printed pages. The total pro- 
duce of his press, excluding the books printed at Bruges, 
reaches to above 18,000 pages, nearly all of folio size. These 
figures speak more forcibly than any argument for the great 
industry and perseverance of Caxton; and to this list must 
be added the translation of the " Vitae Patrum," which he 
finished only a few hours before his death, but did not live to 
print. 

Those who have blamed Caxton for not choosing the Bible, 
or the Greek and Latin classics, for the use and instruction 
of his countrymen, have quite overlooked the impossibility of 
making a business profitable (and Caxton tells us, in " Charles 
the Great," that he earned his living by it), unless it supplied 
the wants of the age. The demand in England in the fifteenth 
century was not for Bibles in the vernacular, nor for Horace, 
nor for Homer, whose writings very few could read in the 



84 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

original texts ; * but the clergy wanted Service-books, and 
Caxton accordingly provided them with Psalters, Commemora- 
tions, and Directories ; the preachers wanted Sermons, and were 
supplied with the "Golden Legend," and other similar books; 
the "prynces, lordes, barons, knyghtes & gentilmen" were 
craving for "joyous and pleysaunt historyes " of chivalry, and 
the press at the " Eed-pale " produced a fresh romance nearly 
every year. Poetry and history require for their appreciation 
a more advanced mental education, and of these, therefore, the 
issue was more scanty. By thus bringing his commercial ex- 
perience to bear upon his new vocation, and by accommodating 
the supply to the demand, while, at the same time, he in no 
slight degree directed the channel in which that demand should 
flow, Caxton contrived to earn an honest living by the produce 
of his press, and to avoid the fate of his typographical brethren 
at Rome, Sweynheim and Pannartz, who, having printed too 
many works of the classic authors, about 12,000 volumes in 
five years, became bankrupt, and sank under the dead weight 
of their unsold volumes. 

Thus, in the selection of books for his press, some of which 
he obtained " with grete instaunce, labour, and coste " — in 
translating and printing — in friendly communication and inter- 
course with the best educated men of his day — in the discharge 
of the social duties of his position — Caxton passed the few 
remaining years of his life. In 149 1, when close upon seventy 
years of age, but still in full vigour of mind, he undertook the 
translation of the "Vitae Patrum." Whether disease was at 
this time gradually undermining his health, or whether, as the 
following colophon renders more probable, he was taken off 

* The historian Gibbon regrets that in the choice of authors Caxton 
" was reduced to comply with the vicious taste of his readers ; to gratify 
the nobles with treatises on heraldry, hawking [Caxton printed nothing of 
the sort], and the game of Chess ; and to amuse the popular credulity with 
romances of fabulous knights and legends of some fabulous saints. The 
father of printing expresses a laudable desire to elucidate the history of 
his country ; but instead of publishing the Latin chronicle of Radulphus 
Higden [which very few could have read] he could only venture on the 
English version by John de Trevisa .... the world is not indebted to 
England for one first edition of a classic author ! " 



WESTMINSTER. 85 

suddenly, is unknown ; but it is an interesting fact that he was 
spared to work at his favourite task of translation till within a 
few hours of his death. 

The following is Wynken de Worde's colophon to the " Vitae 
Patrum : " — " Thus endyth the moost vertuouse hy story e of the 
deuoute and right renowned lyves of holy faders lyuynge in 
deserte, worthy of remembraunce to all wel dysposed persones 
which hath be translated oute of Frenche into Englisshe by 
William Caxton of Westmynstre late deed and fynysshed at 
the laste daye of hys lyff." 

The exact date of his death has not been ascertained ; but 
the burial is entered in the parish accounts for 1490-92, and 
from the position of the entry would appear to have taken 
place towards the close of the year 1491. This date is con- 
firmed by the following manuscript note, quoted by Ames : — 
" There is wrote down in a very old hand in a Fructus 
Temporum of my friend Mr. Ballard's, of Cambden, in Glou- 
cestershire : — ' Of your charitee pray for the soul of Mayster 
Wyllyam Caxton, that in hys time was a man of moche ornate 
and moche renommed wysdome and connyng, and decessed 
ful crystenly the yere of our Lord mcccc lxxxxj.'" 

" Moder of Merci shyld him fro thorribul fynd, 
And bryng hym to lyff eternall that neuyr hath ynd." 

He was buried in his own parish churchyard, and in the 
account- books of the churchwardens appear the following 
funeral charges : — 

Item atte Bureyng of William Caxton for iiij torches . . . vj s viij d 
Item for the belle atte same bureyng vj d 

These fees are considerably higher than those paid by the 
majority of the parishioners, and are equalled in but very few 
instances ; they thus afford further evidence of the superior 
position held by our printer in his parish. 

Caxton's property consisted probably of little more than his 
stock in trade. He nevertheless left a will, as fifteen copies of 
the " Golden Legend " are recorded in the parish accounts as 
having been "bequothen to the chirch behove by William 



86 WILLIAM C A XT ON. 

Caxston." The "Golden Legend" was first printed in 1484, 
bnt the second edition, of which the bequest probably con- 
sisted, was not executed till four or five years later. By the 
churchwardens' account for 1496-98, it appears that by that 
time they had disposed of three of the fifteen copies : one for 
6s Sd, and another for 6s ^d, by the agency of William Eyolle ; 
and one for 6s Sd to the parish priest, probably for his own 
use. Within the next two years William Geiffe took five 
copies at an average of 554^ each ; John Crosse one copy at 
5s 8d ; Walter Marten one at 5s nd; and Daniel Aforge one 
at 5s iod; another being sold in "Westmynster halle" for 
5s Sd. This should have left remaining, in 1500, four copies to 
be accounted for, but the "Memorandum" acknowledges only 
three ; probably one copy had been appropriated by the church- 
wardens to the use of their church. Two more copies were 
sold in the ensuing two years, and one left unaccounted for. 

The discovery of Caxton's will would probably settle satis- 
factorily many questions about his family and relations, but 
all the registries in which it might possibly have been de- 
posited have been searched without success. 

That our knowledge of William Caxton is confined almost 
entirely to his public life, is much to be regretted. We can 
trace to some extent his career in commerce as well as in 
diplomacy. As a printer too, we can judge of him by an 
examination of his works; but when we wish to portray the 
man as a master, or in domestic life, or we desire to know what 
his neighbours thought of him, we fail for want of reliable 
material. From his appending a bitter satire on "women" 
to the "Dictes and Sayings of the Philosophers," we might 
have inclined to think him a bachelor, did we not know that 
he had a wife and daughter when he came to England ; but 
that he was unmarried while " governor " at Bruges is almost 
certain, as the rules of celibacy were very strict among mer- 
chants living out of their own countries. The Steel Yard 
merchants had a stringent law on the subject, and the Merchant 
Adventurers were doubtless guided by the same policy. 

We naturally turn to the prologues and epilogues attached to 
Caxton's translations for traits of character, but here again, we 



WESTMINSTER. 87 

are surrounded by difficulties. There existed in those days no 
rights in literature. Every author took from others what best 
suited his purpose, and that without acknowledgment, except 
to give authority to his own opinions. This practice has in- 
volved many of the works of that period in considerable 
obscurity. Caxton was not free from this characteristic of his 
age, and we accordingly find him appropriating whole prologues 
and epilogues from the French originals, altering them only 
when inapplicable to himself. Such instances may be seen 
in the "Chess Book," the "Mirror," the "Golden Legend," 
" Charles," and others. Great care is therefore requisite to 
distinguish between Caxton's own thoughts and the mere trans- 
lation of those of others. But, after making due allowance for 
all this, there yet remains, in Caxton's prologues and epilogues, 
a substratum of individuality, which must be the basis for any 
right appreciation of his character. His repeated eulogies of 
Edward IV, and the members of his family, indicate that all 
his political sympathies were with the House of York. This 
was but natural, for the development of trade consequent upon 
amity between England and the princes of the Low Countries, 
made all the English merchants staunch adherents to the White 
Eose. His writings also reveal that he had a deep sense of 
religion, and was strict in the observance of his Christian 
duties. Although in one sense the greatest reformer that this 
country has ever known, he was quite unconscious of the 
tendency of the art which he introduced. In the tone of his 
mind he was indeed eminently conservative, comparing the 
good old times of his apprenticeship with the degeneracy of the 
succeeding generations, when in the youth of London there was 
"no kernel nor good corn found, but chaff for the most part." 
Much concerned was he to note in his latter days the decline of 
chivalry, and he urged his Sovereign to take immediate mea- 
sures for its revival, even to the extent of engaging in a new 
crusade against the Turks for the recovery of the " holy cyte of 
Jherusalem." Conservative as he was in theory, there seems 
reason to believe that he was no less so in practice. Caxton 
never gave in to the new-fangled ideas of printers about the 
advantage of title-pages to books, though if we may judge from 



88 WILLIAM C A XT ON. 

the fact of Wynken de Worde using them immediately after 
his master's death, he was of the reverse opinion. In the 
adoption of signatures, initials, and lines of an even length, he 
was very tardy, and from the use of red ink he was evidently 
averse. 

As a linguist, Caxton undoubtedly excelled. In his native 
tongue, notwithstanding his self-depreciation, he seems to have 
been a master. His writings, and the style of his translations, 
will bear comparison with Lydgate, with Gower, with Earl 
Rivers, the Earl of Worcester, and other contemporaneous 
writers. Many of his readers, indeed, thought him too " ornate " 
and " over curious " in his diction, and desired him to use more 
homely terms ; but, since others found fault with him for not 
using polished and courtly phrases, we may fairly presume that 
he attained the happy medium, "ne over rude, ne over curious," 
at which he aimed. When excited by a favourite subject, as 
the " Order of Chivalry," he waxed quite eloquent ; and the 
appeal of Caxton to the knighthood of England has been often 
quoted as a remarkable specimen of fifteenth-century declama- 
tion. With the French tongue he was thoroughly conversant, 
although he had never been in France ; but Bruges was almost 
French, and in the Court of Burgundy, as well as in that of 
England, French was the chief medium of conversation. With 
Flemish he was also well acquainted, as shown by his trans- 
lation of " Reynart ; " indeed, this language, after so long a 
residence in Bruges, must have become almost his mother- 
tongue. 

Caxton's knowledge of Latin has often been denied or under- 
rated ; but as governor of the English nation in Bruges, and as 
ambassador, he must have been able to read the treaties he 
assisted to conclude, and the correspondence with the king's 
council. Moreover, he printed books entirely in the Latin 
tongue, some of which were full of contractions, and could 
only have been undertaken by one well acquainted with that 
language. These were the " Infancia Salvatoris," three editions 
of the " Directorium Sacerdotum," a " Psalterium," " Horse," 
" Tractatus de Transfiguracione," and several " Indulgences." 
To " ordain in print " a Latin manuscript of the fourteenth or 



WESTMINSTER. 89 

fifteenth century required a knowledge of the language on the 
part of the workman as well as of the master ; for, as the letters 
n and u were identical in shape, and as m and i varied only in 
the number of strokes, the latter being without a dot, it was 
impossible to read some words — for instance, minimum (mini- 
mum), where fifteen parallel strokes distract the eye — apart 
from their context. We have, however, in the English trans- 
lation of the " Golden Legend " positive evidence on this point ; 
for, in the " Life of Saynt Kocke," the printer says, " which 
lyfT is translated oute of latyn in to englysshe by me wyllyam 
Caxton." 

As translator, editor, and author, Caxton has not received 
his due meed of praise. The works which he undertook at the 
suggestion of .his patrons, as well as those selected by himself, 
are honestly translated, and, considering the age in which he 
lived, are well chosen. Eomances, the favourite literature of 
his age, were Caxton's great delight— and that not merely for 
the feats of personal prowess which they narrated, although no 
quality was more desirable in the fifteenth century, but rather, 
as he himself says, for the examples of " courtesy, humanity, 
friendliness, hardiness, love, cowardice, murder, hate, virtue, and 
sin," which "inflamed the hearts of the readers and hearers to 
eschew and flee works vicious and dishonest." In Poetry Caxton 
shows to great advantage, for he printed all the works of any 
merit which then existed. The prologue to his second edition 
of the " Canterbury Tales " proves how anxious he was to be 
correct, and at the same time shows the difficulty he had in 
obtaining manuscripts free from error. The poetical reverence 
with which Caxton speaks of Chaucer, " the first founder of 
ornate eloquence in our English," and the pains he took to 
reprint the " Canterbury Tales" when a purer text than that of 
his first edition was offered to him, show his high appreciation 
of England's first great poet. In History the only available 
works in English were the "Chronicle of Brute" and the "Poly- 
cronicon ; " the latter Caxton carried down, to the best of his 
ability, to nearly his own time. It was, indeed, as a writer of 
history that Caxton was best known to our older authors, some 
of whom, while including his name among those of English 



90 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

historians, have overlooked the far more important fact that 
he was also England's prototypographer. 

All reference to the literary forgery of Atkyns, who, in the 
seventeenth century, to support his claim to certain exclusive 
privileges of printing under the king's patent, invented the 
foolish story of the abduction, by Tumour and Caxton, of one 
of the Haarlem workmen, and his settlement at Oxford in 
1464, has here been purposely omitted. The whole account is 
so evidently false, so entirely at variance with the known facts 
in Caxton's history, and has been so often disproved in works 
on English typography, that it needs no further refutation. 

As to Caxton's industry, it was marvellous : at an age when 
most men begin to take life easily, he not only embarked in 
an entirely new trade, but added to the duties of its general 
supervision and management, which could never have been 
light, the task of supplying his workmen with copy from his 
own pen. The extraordinary amount of printed matter, original, 
and translated, which he put forth has already been noticed ; 
but there seems reason to believe that some of his works, both 
printed and manuscript, have been entirely lost. Of his trans- 
lation of the " Metamorphoses of Ovid," only Book xv has been 
preserved; but we may be certain that Caxton never would 
have begun to translate at the end of a work ; and it seems 
probable, as the manuscript is evidently intended for the press, 
that the whole was printed as well as translated. Moreover 
several of Caxton's works being unique, and others having been 
but recently discovered, we may conclude that time will yet 
reveal to us other specimens. 

Several pretended autographs of Caxton have been claimed 
since the public exhibition of his books at South Kensington 
Museum, but great care should be taken before giving credence 
to them. 

Great interest would attach to a veritable portrait of Caxton, 
but although two or three have been published, they are all 
apocryphal. The only one that has any appearance of pro- 
bability is the small defaced illumination in the manuscript of 
" Dictes and Sayings " at Lambeth Palace, which has received 
too much praise from Horace Walpole, who engraved it for his 



WESTMINSTER. 91 

"Koyal and jSoble Authors." King Edward IV is represented 
on his throne, with the young prince (to whom Earl Eivers 
was tutor) standing by his side : there are two kneeling figures, 
one of which, Earl Eivers, is presenting to the king a copy of 
his own translation, which Horace Walpole assumes to have 
been printed by the other, who of course would then be 
Caxton. If this were the case it would be very interesting ; 
but unfortunately the second figure is evidently an ecclesiastic, 
as shown by his tonsure, and apparently represents " Hay- 
warde" the scribe, who engrossed the copy, and probably 
executed the illumination. The portrait commonly received as 
that of Caxton, and which first appeared in his "Life," by 
Lewis, is thus accounted for by Dr. Dibdin : — " A portrait of 
Burcliiello, the Italian poet, from an octavo edition of his work 
on Tuscan poetry, of the date of 1554, was inaccurately copied 
by Faith orne for Sir Hans Sloane, as the portrait of Caxton." 
In Lewis's "Life," this portrait was "improved" by adding a 
thick beard to Burchiello's chin, and otherwise altering his 
character ; and in this form the Italian poet made his appear- 
ance, upon copper, as Caxton. Ames, Herbert, Marchand, and 
others have reproduced this absurd engraving. From a note, 
however, written by Lewis to Ames, it appears that, although 
Lewis admitted the portrait, it was Bagford's creative genius 
that invented it, as may also be inferred from Lewis's own 
subscription "inv. Bagford," upon the plate. 

As an instance of his appreciation of a higher life than can 
be obtained from riches alone, we will quote an anecdote which 
Caxton himself wrote, and added as an appendix to " iEsop's 
Fables." 

"There were dwelling in Oxford two priests, both Masters 
of Art, of whom that one was quick and could put himself 
forth, and that other was a good simple priest. And so it 
happened that the master that was pert and quick was anon 
promoted to a benefice or two, and after to prebends, and for 
to be a dean. So after long time this worshipful man, this 
dean, came riding into a good parish with ten or twelve horses, 
like a prelate, and came into the church of the said parish, 
and found there this good simple man, sometime his fellow, 



92 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

which came and welcomed him lowly. And that other bade 
him, Good morrow, Master John, and took him slightly by the 
hand and axed him where he dwelled. And the good man 
said, In this parish. How ! said he. Are ye here a sonl-priest 
or a parish-priest? Nay, sir, said he; for lack of a better I 
am parson and curate of this parish. Then that other availed 
his bonnet and said, Master parson, I pray you be not displeased, 
I had supposed you not to be beneficed ; but, master, said he, I 
pray you, what is this benefice worth to you a year 1 Forsooth, 
said the good simple man, I wot not, for I make never account 
thereof, although I have had it four or five years. And know 
you not what it is worth ! it should seem a good benefice 1 
No, forsooth, said he ; but I wot well what it shall be worth to 
me. Why, said he, what shall it be worth 1 Forsooth, if I do 
my true diligence in the cure of my parishioners in preaching 
and teaching, and do the part belonging to my cure, I shall 
have heaven therefor. And if their souls be lost, or one of 
them by my default, I shall be punished therefor, and hereof 
am I sure. And with that word the rich dean was abashed. 
This was a good answer of a good priest and an honest." 

No attempt has been made in the preceding sketch to exalt 
Caxton at the expense of historical truth. As England's first 
typographer, a never-dying interest will surround his name. 
Except as a printer, he nowhere shines forth pre-eminent. But 
although we cannot attribute to him those rare mental powers 
which can grasp the hidden laws of nature, nor the still more 
rare creative genius which endures throughout all time, we can 
claim for him a character which attracted the love and respect 
of his associates — a character on which history has chronicled 
no stain — a character which, although surrounded, through a 
long period of civil war, by the worst forms of cruelty, hypocrisy, 
and injustice in Church and State, retained to the last its innate 
simplicity and truthfulness. 




>-T 



CHAPTER IX. 




THE MASTER PRINTER. 

HE question of the exact spot upon which 
England's first printing press was estab- 
lished has already been discussed. The 
well-known advertisement of Caxton, 
which states that pies of Salisbury use 
were on sale at the " Red-pale," in the 
almonry, at Westminster, not only indi- 
cates the position of his house, but also the sign by which it 
was known. The precise appearance of the almonry in the 
fifteenth century must be to some extent imaginary, but we 
know that almshouses were there, and probably two or three 
structures besides that occupied by Caxton. 

We will now ask the reader to imagine fourteen years passed 
since Caxton first began working at his new art. It is not 
difficult to picture the wooden building in the almonry occupied 
by his sedate but busy workmen. We can look in at yonder 
window, and see the venerable master printer himself " sittyng 
in his studye w T here lay many and dyuerse paunflettis and 
bookys." The great towers of Westminster Abbey cast their 
shadow across the room, for he is an early riser and already at 
work upon his translation of the new French romance, called 
" Eneydos." The " fayre and ornate termes " of his author give 
him " grete plasyr," and he labours, almost without intermission, 
till the low sun, blazing from the western windows, warns him 
of the day's decline. Again, we watch him pass with observant 



94 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

eye through the rooms where his servants are at work ; we see 
the movements of the compositors, who ply their rapid fingers 
close to the narrow windows ; we hear the thud-thud of the 
wooden presses as the workmen " pull to " and " send home " 
the " bar," discussing meanwhile the latest news ; and we sym- 
pathise with the binder, who, hammering away at the volume 
between his knees, looks in despair at the ever-increasing pro- 
geny of his master's art. Piles of books and printed " quayers " 
rise on all sides, and many a wise head is ominously shaken at 
the folly of supposing that purchasers can be found for so many 
books. Nevertheless Caxton pursues his busy course, ever at 
work with mind and body, preparing copy for the press, and 
guiding and instructing his workmen in the art which he had 
learned in Bruges at "grete charge and dispense," and the 
practices of which are to be explained in the following chapter. 

Of all the workmen employed at the " Red-pale," the names 
of three only have descended to us. 

Wynken de Worde, who was probably a native of the town 
of Worth in Belgium, appears to have been the chief man. 
When he entered Caxton's service is unknown ; it was probably 
at an early age, as he was still living in the year 1535. In 
149 1 he succeeded to the stock in trade of his deceased master, 
but he did not append his own name to his books until 1493. 
He used many varieties of Caxton's "mark." 

Richard Pynson speaks respectfully of Caxton as " my 
worshipful master." He at first set up a press just outside 
Temple Bar, and used Caxton's device in his books. 

William Copland remained for some time after Caxton's 
death in the service of Wynken de Worde. He, too, in his 
prologue to " Kynge Apolyne of Thyre," mentions " my master 
Caxton." Doubtless there were many others, and some have 
supposed that Machlinia, Lettou, and Treveris were among the 
number ; but there is no evidence that these printers were ever 
reckoned among Caxton's workmen. 

We come now to the mechanical means by which, during 
fourteen years, Caxton carried on his business. Was the 
process of book-making the same as it is at the present time 1 
What sorts of types, and how many founts were used ? How 



THE MASTER PRINTER. 95 

were the types made, and what were their sizes? Did the 
compositors use upper and lower case, sticks, chases, brass rule, 
reglets, furniture, and the various appliances of a modern 
composing-room 1 What were the presses like, and the practices 
of the pressmen? And lastly, In what form were Caxton's 
books issued to the public? To most of these questions it 
would, at first sight, seem as though no definite answer could 
be given ; but when attention is directed to the books them- 
selves, undesigned, and therefore most trustworthy, evidence 
will be found in them as to many technical customs and pecu- 
liarities of the early printers. 

Before the invention of printing, the art of book-making, 
mechanically considered, was divided into three departments : 
the manufacture of the material upon which to write, almost 
entirely parchment or vellum ; the ink making and the writing, 
the scribe being his own ink maker; and the binding. Illu- 
minators there were, of course, but their work was merely orna- 
mental, and by no means necessary to the idea of a book. In 
monasteries famous for the diffusion of learning all these 
branches were carried on together. So has it been with 
printers, who, from the infancy of their art to the present time, 
have occasionally included everything necessary to a perfect 
book in one establishment. If all the trades which, either 
directly or indirectly, are called into operation by printers were 
to be enumerated, few indeed would be omitted ; nevertheless, 
the absolute necessaries for the production of a book are — the 
material upon which to print, the types and presses with which 
to print, and the workmen to handle them. "We will, therefore, 
consider Caxton's books under the following heads : — 



The paper. 

The types. 

The compositor. 

The press, the pressman, 

and the ink. 
The bookbinder. 



To these may be added, al- 
though not as necessary 
assistants : 

The rubricator, illuminator, 



and wood-engraver. 



96 WILLIAM CAXTON. 



THE PAPER, 

Fortunately, there is no need to enter here upon the obscure 
origin of the manufacture of paper. The only question which 
concerns us is — What kind of paper did Caxton use, and whence 
did he obtain it 1 He certainly had several sizes ; the largest, 
which was probably found too unwieldy, was used only for the 
first two editions of the " Golden Legend," an uncut copy of 
which, in the University Library at Cambridge, gives 22 x 15 J 
inches for the full measurement of a whole sheet. The large 
size of this book was, doubtless, suited to its intended use — in 
the public services of the church. He likewise used several 
smaller sizes, which varied according to the moulds in which 
the sheets were made, from 18 J x 13 inches to 16x11 inches. 

The quality of the paper varied considerably, though not to 
the extent apparent in the books as they now exist — chemical 
" doctoring " and washing, which have in many instances been 
resorted to for cleansing purposes, having weakened and rotted 
much of the paper so treated, whilst the untouched specimens 
remain strong and fibrous. We observe in books still in the 
original bindings, and apparently untouched, that the paper was 
rough — sometimes very rough — on the surface, with long hairs 
frequently imbedded in it, and marks where many more had 
been removed; of a strong fibrous texture, unbleached, and of 
a clear mellow whiteness, indicating an absence of colouring 
matter in the pulp. 

The accompanying woodcut shows a paper-mill of this period. 
A water-wheel was arranged to turn a wooden shaft upon which 
were rows of cogs which continually lifted up to the height of a 
few inches a number of wooden pestles, and then let them fall 
upon the material, which was always in shallow water. The 
whole of the fibre was thus retained with its length and strength 
uninjured. When the pulp was ready it was taken up, in small 
quantities, into the hand-mould, and formed into a sheet. There 
would be no difficulty whatever in making paper nowadays in a 
similar manner, only no one in the trade would spare the time 



THE MASTER PRINTER. 



97 



and labour, and no one out of the trade would pay for the cost 
and trouble of its production. 







The unevenness in thickness and colour to which the manu- 
facture was liable at this early period, appears to have necessi- 
tated a sorting of the sheets after they came from the mill; 
those nearest to each other in colour and weight being put 
together. This system of selection was adopted occasionally 
for single copies, economy being doubtless the inducement. 
When two or three examples of a book can be compared to- 
gether this fact is often very evident, as in the two copies of 
" The Knight of the Tower " which are in the British Museum, 
where the variation in quality is too great to be accounted for 
except by this practice of selection. Several other instances 
show that Caxton, when preparing to print a new volume, told 
off the paper separately for certain copies. This custom also 
accounts for the astonishing variety of water-marks frequently 
found in one volume. 

Some possessors of imcut specimens of Caxton's press have 
imagined them to be " large-paper copies," but we have no 
evidence that Caxton designedly printed special copies, except, 
perhaps, in the instances of the vellum " Doctrinal " and 

G 



98 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

" Directorium," hereafter to be noticed, but of these the appear- 
ance is by no means that of limes de luxe. 

Watermarks are of much less value in bibliography than 
some writers have imagined. In but very few instances can 
a limit of time be fixed for their use ; and as the marks might 
be repeated, or the paper itself kept for any length of time, 
and imported to any place, they cannot be used as evidence 
either of the date when, or the place where, a book passed 
through the press. The arms of France — three fleurs-de-lis 
on a shield, surmounted by a crown — which appear as a water- 
mark in "Le Eecueil des Histoires de Troyes," have been 
adduced by M. Bernard as evidence of the French origin of the 
printed work. He was doubtless unaware that the same water- 
mark appears in " The Recuyell," " Canterbury Tales," ist 
edition, "Mirrour," ist edition, "Jason," "Chronicles," "Poly- 
cronicon," " Speculum Vitae Christi," " Dictes," 2nd edition, and 
many others, embracing the whole of Caxton's typographical 
career. When, however, paper bears the arms of a nation or a 
city, we may, in such a case, fairly conjecture, although not 
with certainty, the seat of its manufacture. It appears likely 
that all Caxton's paper was imported from the Low Countries, 
and it was in all probability purchased from some old connection 
in the great mart of Bruges. But wherever obtained, there was 
a great intermixture of qualities, including the make of several 
mills. We have never yet seen one of Caxton's books in which 
the same watermark runs through the whole volume, and in 
many cases the variety is astonishing. Thus, in a copy of the 
first edition of the " Canterbury Tales," now in the library of 
Mr. Huth, there appear no less than fifteen distinct water- 
marks. 

A few of the marks found in Caxton's books are here given 
As already remarked, they indicate the Low Countries as the 
land of their origin, and most of them are found also in the 
block-books, the works of Colard Mansion, Gerard Leeu, and 
other early printers. 

■* No. 1. The Bull's Head, which appears in the earliest speci- 
mens of paper known, and was a favourite symbol with 



THE MASTER PRINTER. 99 

paper makers of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. 
The varieties of it are very numerous. 

No. 2. The Arms of John the Fearless, son of Philip the 
Hardy. As eldest son the field is charged with a label : 
the superimposed cross referring to his crusade in 1395. 

This and the six succeeding marks have a direct con- 
nection with the riding dynasty in Flanders and the Low 
Countries. 

No. 3. The letter p is very common in Caxton's books, and is 
perhaps the initial of Philip the Good; although paper 
bearing a p had also been made in the reign of Philip the 
Hardy. Its varieties are very numerous. 

Xo. 4. The letter g is thought by Sotheby to be the initial of 
Ysabel, third wife of Philip the Good. 

Mr. Sotheby, in his list of Caxton's watermarks, men- 
tions the p and g combined, as occurring in the British 
Museum copy of " Jason." During a careful search, 
however, in the same copy, I was unable to detect any 
such mark. 

Xo. 5. The Unicorn — a symbol of power adopted by Philip the 
Good, who chose two unicorns as supporters of his coat- 
of-arms. The same figure was used extensively as an 
ornament in his palace and furniture. 

Xo. 6. The Arms of France. These were frequently used by 
paper-makers of the Low Countries, probably in reference 
to the direct descent of the House of Burgundy from the 
Kings of France. 

Xo. 7. The Arms of Champagne. This province was ceded 
to the Duke of Burgundy in 1430 by the King of 
France. 

Xo. 8. The Hand, over which is a single fleur-de-lis, the peculiar 
badge of the House of Burgundy. 
In Caxton's books the p is the most common among the 

watermarks, the order of frequency among the others being as 

follows : — The Hand or Glove ; the Arms of Champagne ; the 

Bull's Head ; the Arms of France ; the Greyhound ; the Arms 

of John the Fearless ; Shears ; a Pot ; an Anchor ; an Unicorn ; 

a Bull ; a Cross ; Grapes ; a Pelican, &c. 



IOO WILLIAM CAXTON. 

No. i. . No. 2. 






No. 4. 




THE MASTER PRINTER. 



101 




No. 6. 




102 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

The reader curious on this point may see numerous other 
watermarks figured by Mr. Sotheby in the third volume of his 
"Principia Typographical' Many of these are merely varia- 
tions of the mark, the paper being made in the same mould. 
An accidental injury, or even the wear and tear of the mould 
by constant use, often caused a contortion of the wires. In 
rare instances the watermark occurs uninjured in shape, but 
quite at the edge of the paper. This has been accounted for 
by supposing the fine wires which held the watermark in its 
place on the mould to have become loosened by decay, or some 
accident, and so allowed the mark to slide along the face of the 
mould, but it is more probably caused by the use of large sheets 
of paper cut down to a smaller size. 

Of the value of paper in Caxton's time we may form some 
idea from the prices paid by the directors of the Bipoli press, 
at Florence, between 1474 and 1483. An original " Cost book " 
of this establishment is still extant in the Magliabechian library 
at Florence. It is one of the most interesting documents con- 
nected with early tjrpography, and has been edited and pub- 
lished by the Padre Yincenzio Fineschi. From this it appears 
that the following nine sizes or qualities of paper were then in 
use, the English prices given being about the present equivalent, 
reckoning the lira at 35 gd. 

PER REAM. 

1 . Large paper of Bologna in common folio, about . =£ 1 4 2 

2. Middling ditto ditto . . o 13 2§ 

3. Small ditto ditto . . on 3 

4. Paper of Fabriano, with a crossboiv for water- 

mark o 12 4-| 

5. Ditto, with a cross for watermark o 8 7 J 

6. Paper of Colle o 8 7J 

7. Paper of Prato o 9 4J 

8. Paper of Pescia, with spectacles for watermark . o 10 10 1- 

9. The same, with a glove for watermark ....090 

Zanetti quotes a document, dated 1483, which states the 
price of paper in Florence to have been, at that period, for 
"Carta reale, quaderni 10... 3 lir. 6 sol. 8d ; " and for "Carta 



THE MASTER PRINTER. 103 

da scrivere il quaderno...i8 sol.;" that is, royal paper about 
12s 5d per ten quires, and writing paper 3s 4-Jd per quire. 

The first paper maker in England was John Tate. He manu- 
factured specially for Caxton's successor, Wynken de Worde, 
who thus announces the fact in his edition of " Bartholomseus 
de Proprietatibus," printed about the year 1498 : — 

" And John Tate the younger, 

Joye mote he broke, 
Whiche late hath in Englond doo 

Made this paper thynne, 
That now in our englisshe 

This boke is prynted Inne." 

Tate, who died in 15 14, and whose will is preserved in the 
principal registry of the Court of Probate, left considerable 
property, several of his legacies being in paper. 

It is somewhat remarkable that Caxton should have made 
so sparing a use of vellum for his books, and should have been 
so indifferent about the quality of the skins which he did em- 
ploy. The only examples known are a copy of the " Doctrinal 
of Sapience," at Windsor Castle, for a long time thought to be 
unique, and a " Speculum vitae Christi," now in the Britisli 
Museum, to which may be added a few slips on which Indul- 
gences are printed. 

THE TYPES. 

The question of the invention of moveable types, like that 
of the origin of paper, is one into which we have no need here 
to enter. The majority of writers on this subject having been 
unacquainted with the characteristics of type, have strayed far 
and wide in the discussion. M. Bernard, however, writing as 
a practical printer, has done much to dispel numerous misappre- 
hensions, and especially that common error of supposing that 
the first moveable types were cut in wood. 

We now proceed to lay before the reader the earliest notices 
of typefounders, and such evidence as may explain the mechanics 
of typefounding in the fifteenth century, especially with reference 
to the types of Caxton. 

Perhaps no part of the Typographic Art is hidden in more 



104 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

utter darkness than the early manufacture of the types. Con- 
siderable secrecy no doubt accompanied all the operations of 
the first printers, and was maintained down to a comparatively 
late period. Moreover, it was but natural that the results of 
the new art should hold a more prominent place in men's 
minds than the processes by which those results were produced ; 
and thus, although printers and printing were often mentioned, 
we find nothing concerning the mechanical part of typefounding 
anterior to that curious little book of trades, with illustra- 
tions by Jost Amman, which was issued at Frankfort in 1568. 
The author, in the few lines which accompany the illustration, 
omits all reference to the process, but, from the woodcut of the 
" SchrifTtgiesser " and his tools, we shall draw some practical 
inferences concerning early typefounding. 

Whether Caxton, whose account of his first typographical 
venture is contained in the prologue to the Third Book of 
"The Kecuyell," made himself acquainted with the manufac- 
ture as well as with the use of his types there is no evidence to 
prove. He simply remarks, " Therefore I have practysed and 
lerned at my grete charge and dispense to ordeyne this said book 
in prynte." If he only procured types and presses, and acquired 
the requisite knowledge to control their use, it no doubt cost 
him a large sum. The probability is that his first two founts 
were cast at Bruges according to his instructions, and that he 
brought the second over with him to Westminster. But, when 
once settled in his native country, we may well consider whether 
he would not, for convenience sake, have become his own type- 
founder. No stray hint or remark can be found to incline us to 
the one opinion or the other. Several generations of printers 
passed away before we find in any work the slightest allusion 
to English typefounders. The earliest appears in Archbishop 
Parker's preface to Asser's Chronicle of King Alfred, where, in 
speaking of the Saxon types with which the book was printed, 
the editor states that as far as he knew, Day, the printer, was 
the first to cut them: — "lam vero cum Dayus typographic 
primus (& omnium certe quod sciam solus) has formulas seri 
incident : facile quae Saxonicis Uteris perscripta sunt, iisdem 
typis diuulgabuntur." This leads us to suppose that John Day 



THE MASTER PRINTER. 105 

was only one typefounder among others, and that therefore the 
art was at that time by no means a new one in England. 
Seventy years later we find typefounding a distinct trade in 
London, and under rigid Government protection, as we learn 
from the following decree : — 

"Decreed by the Court of Starre- Chamber, nth July, 
1637:— 

" That there shall be Four Founders of letters for 

printing and no more. 
" That the Archbishop of Canterbury or the Bishop of 
London, with Six other High Commissioners, shall 
supply the places of those four as they shall become 
void. 
" That no master Founder shall keep above two Appren- 
tices at one time." 
Despite this restrictive care, however, the typefounders of 
Holland and Flanders supplied English Printers with better 
types than native art could produce, until the establishment 
of a foundry by the first Caslon. 

The only English author before the rise of encyclopaedias, 
who described the process of type manufacture was Joseph 
Moxon. This ingenious author, writing in 1683, gives an 
account of the whole Art of Printing, as practised in an im- 
proved style by himself, and devotes several chapters to the 
various methods of punch cutting, matrix sinking, and type 
founding. The process then adopted was very similar to that 
still in use, and differed greatly from that of Caxton, or 
Caxton's typefounder. The practice of Moxon, like that of 
modern typefounders, was to cut each letter in relief on a 
piece of steel to form the punch — to strike this punch into a 
small piece of copper, which made the matrix — and then to 
fit this matrix to the bottom of an iron mould into which the 
liquid metal was poured. The mould, which formed the shank 
of the type, was capable of a sliding adjustment, width wise, 
to the width of the various letters (from an i to an 2E) ; the 
depth or size of the body always remaining the same throughout 
the fount. Thus, by using each matrix successively in the 
same mould, exactness in size of body was insured. 



106 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

The want of this exactness, indicated by the uneven appear- 
ance of the lines, and other considerations, lead to the conclu- 
sion that the fifteenth-century printers did not practise this 
method, but it is very difficult even to speculate upon the 
process which they did employ. The examination of many 
specimens has led me to conclude that at first two distinct 
schools of typography existed together. The ruder consisted of 
those printers who practised their art in Holland and the Low 
Countries, and who, by degrees only, adopted the better and 
more perfect methods of the school founded in Germany by the 
celebrated trio — Fust, Gutenberg, and Schoeffer. None of these 
divulged the secrets of their art. One fact, however, we know 
with certainty, and that is, that the German school employed 
the very best artists that Europe could produce to cut the 
patterns, or rather punches, for their types. In an interesting 
tract from the pen of Sir Anthony Panizzi it is proved that the 
celebrated Bolognese goldsmith, medallist, and painter, Francia, 
was the artist who cut all the Aldine types, the elegance of 
which will for ever associate the name of Aldus with the per- 
fection of printing. From the " Cost Book " of the Eipoli 
press, at Florence, we find also that steel, iron, and tin were 
used in the manufacture of types about 1480. But the English 
printers, whose practice seems to have been derived from the 
Flemish school, were far behind their contemporaries in the 
art. Their types show that a very rude process of founding 
was practised, and the use, as will be described presently, of 
old types as punches for new, evinces more of commercial ex- 
pediency than of artistic ambition. 

That Caxton's types were really cast is evident from identity 
in the face of the same letter, where even a flaw may be noticed 
as recurring continuously ; but the material of which the 
matrices were formed must be to a great extent conjectural. 
M. Bernard has given an interesting account of some successful 
efforts to cast letters in sand, but his specimen has not a single 
overhanging letter in it, and, from its size, was certainly much 
easier to produce than would have been the small types of 
Caxton; yet in one respect, the "bad lining," or irregular 
heights of the letter, it has an interesting similitude to Caxton's 



THE MASTER PRINTER. 107 

types. In the office of Messrs. Caslon there are still in exist- 
ence some large Koman capital letters (about 3 -line pica), which 
an old workman assured me he had himself used in by-gone 
years to form sand-moulds for type, a practice then by no means 
uncommon. 

We will now turn to the little book of engravings already 
mentioned as giving the earliest notice of the art. We there 
see somewhat of the practices of the Frankfort typefounders in 
1568. The woodcut shows that even a century after the inven- 
tion of the art there was an important difference from the 
modern plan, although probably the principle of punch, matrix, 
and mould was the same. There is a small furnace, with the 
pan of metal sunk in the top ; by the side are the bellows, 
basket of charcoal, and tongs. Close to the typefounder is the 
bowl into which he drops each type as it is cast ; and the artist 
has correctly drawn these types with the " break " of the letter 
still attached. The workman holds the mould in his left hand, 
and is pouring in metal from a ladle. On the table at his back 
is what appears to be a nest of very shallow drawers, which 
hold the matrices in alphabetical arrangement, while upon the 
top of the drawers are three or four matrices for immediate use. 
On the wooden shelves opposite are three moulds, some sieves, 
and crucibles. The sieves were probably for sifting the sand in 
which might be cast the large types, and in which the small 
ingots for use in the melting pot would be run. The main 
interest of this woodcut lies in the type moulds, in which we 
notice a difference in shape from those now used; while the 
absence of the long wire spring which holds the matrix firm up 
to the mould indicates that, during its use, the matrix was a 
fixture in the mould. The foremost of the three moulds on the 
shelf shows in its side a hole which may possibly have been 
used for the insertion of a matrix. 

As the early moulds were so dissimilar to those of modern 
use, let us look to the types themselves for evidence. Antici- 
pating the result of the analysis of the various founts used by 
Caxton (which will follow in its proper place) we find the con- 
clusion inevitable that hard-metal punches were not used, and 
that even types themselves were used either as punches, or in 



108 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

some analogous way for the production of new founts. The 
use of large types to form matrices in sand (as in the case of 
Messrs. Caslon's foundry, above alluded to), was not uncommon 
in bygone years ; and that letters of a much smaller size can also 
be effectively employed as punches is interestingly illustrated 
by the shifts to which Benjamin Franklin, America's pioneer- 
printer, was put in the early days of the Transatlantic press. 
Franklin thus narrates his own practice : " Our printing-house 
often wanted sorts, and there was no letter-foundry in America ; 
I had seen types cast at James's in London, but without 
much attention to the manner ; however, I contrived a mould, 
and made use of the letters we had as puncheons, struck the 
matrices in lead, and thus supplied, in a pretty tolerable way 
the deficiencies. I also engraved several things on occasion." 

The metal of which Caxton's types were cast can only be 
conjectured. The probability is that it was soft, and if even 
so soft as lead it would have been sufficiently durable to have 
performed the work for the small impression required of each 
book. In demonstration of this the author procured, by the 
kindness of Messrs. Figgins, a fount of their Caxton types in 
pure lead, and composed a page of Caxton's " Chess Book," 
working it in the usual way, at a common hand press, and 
numbering each impression as it came from the tympan in 
order to note its gradual wear. The paper was royal cartridge 
of the common rough quality, and was worked dry. After 500 
pulls, perceiving no appreciable wear, the author stopped the 
experiment, being sufficiently satisfied. 

Our conclusions then, in respect of the founding, are mainly 
negative. The moulds were unlike those now in use, and the 
punches were not of steel. The process, whatever it may have 
been, admitted of contrivances incompatible with our present 
mode ; and we conjecture that the type-metal, if not of lead, 
was yet sufficiently soft to allow of it being easily trimmed up 
with a chiseL This trimming up, so often visible in type No. 2*, 
misled the late Mr. Vincent Figgins, who, when examining the 
second edition of the " Game and Play of the Chess," came 
to the erroneous conclusion that the whole book was printed 
from types cut separately by hand, a conclusion which he would 



THE MASTER PRINTER. 109 

never have adopted had he extended his examination to other 
and earlier works of Caxton in the same types. 

Let us now see what the founts of types really were that 
Caxton used. 

When we look at the long list of English authors who have 
written upon early typography, and when we recognise among 
the names those of Moxon, Palmer, Smith, Bowyer, Nichols, 
Stower, Watson, Hansard, and Timperley, all of whom were, 
as printers, practically acquainted with the art which employed 
their pens, it is a matter of some surprise that nothing like a 
correct account of Caxton's types appeared. Nor is it less re- 
markable that the only history of English typefounding is that 
by Kowe Mores, a well-known antiquarian, who was brought 
up for the Church, and who devoted many of the later years of 
his life to the collection of old moulds and matrices. He pur- 
chased all the whole stock of the last of the old race of letter- 
founders, Mr. James, of Bartholomew Close, whose extensive 
collection was said to date from the days of Wynken de Worde ; 
and it is much to be regretted that, after the death of Mr. 
Mores, his collections were not preserved intact. His cata- 
logues of matrices existing in his own day, or in his own pos- 
session, are probably exact enough ; but his account of the types 
used by Caxton and Wynken de Worde is full of errors. 

During Caxton's career as a printer, viz., from about 1476 to 
149 1-2, or a period of seventeen years, he used eight separate 
founts or castings of letters. These eight founts we have called, 
according to their chronological appearance, No. 1, No. 2, No. 2*, 
No. 3, No. 4, No. 4*, No. 5, and No. 6. 

If we divide them into character of letter we find three 
classes : — 

1st. Type No. 1 is distinct in character, and unlike any 
other known type. On comparison with a manuscript in' 
the holograph of Colard Mansion, of Bruges, M. Bernard 
came to the conclusion that it was formed upon the hand- 
writing of that celebrated caligrapher. 
2nd. Types 2, 2*, 4, 4*, and 6, are of the same character 
as the early type of Colard Mansion, known as " gros 
batarde." 



no WILLIAM CAXTON. 

3rd. Types 3 and 5 were designed, like the characters of the 
Bible and Psalter of the early Mentz printers, upon the 
Church Text of the scribes, and approach nearer than any 
other of Caxton's types to what modern printers call " black 
letter." 
If, however, we divide the eight founts into distinct cuttings, 
we find five : — 

1st. Type No. 1. 

2nd. Type No. 2, modified first into No. 2*, and again into 

No. 6. 
3rd. Type No. 3. 
4th. Type No. 4, modified into No. 4*. 



5th. Type No. 5. 



Type No. i. 



Although we believe that Caxton had less to do with this 
than with any of the later types, yet, as it is the first with 
which his name is associated — as it is that by using which he 
obtained a knowledge of the art of printing — and as it is the 
type of the first English-printed book, — it is clothed with an 
interest peculiarly its own. 

The only books printed with this fount are five : — 

The Eecuyell of the Histories of Troy 1472-74 

The Game and Play of the Chess, 1st edition . . . 1475-76 

Le Kecueil des Histoires de Troyes 1475-76 

Les Pais du Chevalier Jason after 1476 

Les sept Pseaulmes penitenciaulx after 1476 

Prom the rarity of " Les Pais du Jason," only one copy being 
in England, and that inconvenient for prolonged examination, 
its peculiar features, if any, are not noticed in the following 
remarks. 

The first thing we observe in type No. 1 is, that its general 
appearance is more free and manuscript-like than would be 
thought the case from the square-set figure of each individual 
letter. This is, to a considerable extent, caused by the great 



THE MASTER PRINTER. in 

variety of letters, there being only five for which there were 
not more than one matrix, either as single letters or in combi- 
nation : for, although the differences between the various ma- 
trices of the same letter may be but very slight, we have here 
the fundamental principle of freedom, namely, a recurrence of 
modified sameness. The execution of the type is good, sharp, 
and decided, with sufficient difference between the repetitions 
of the same letter to indicate independence of tracing or mecha- 
nical contrivance ; hence probably the work of one accustomed 
to cut letters. The body of the type, which is identical through- 
out the five books, is the same as the recognised Great Primer 
of modern printers. 

The complete fount embraced at least 163 sorts, of which we 
remark upon the following : — 
a is not used in the English books, but often occurs in the 

French books. 
i is not used in "The Recuyell" or the "Chess Book," but often 

occurs in " Le Recueil" and "Les sept Pseaulmes." 
3& is often used for an tft in the French books, but always 

correctly in the English books. 
fi. — This incongruous and badly-cut letter appears about twelve 

times, in various grades of bad casting, before the recto of 

folio 36 of " The Recuyell," after which it is not found. 
3ft is only found in the English books, where it is sometimes 

used for a 3Bt. 
Arabic numerals do not occur in this fount. 
There are only three marks of punctuation, which may be called 

— the comma, or oblique stroke (/), the colon (:), and the 

full point (♦). They are used arbitrarily as to power, and in 

numerous varieties of combination, such as, 

♦/ ♦/ /♦ ,/♦ */• // : ♦ ♦ : ♦ ♦*♦ : •*♦ &c -> &c - 

From the foregoing remarks it will be seen that there are 
certain letters peculiar to the English and others peculiar to 
the French books printed in this type; and as these are not 
in any way attributable to the fashion of the language, the 
fact strongly corroborates the opinion that, although from the 
same printer, the compositor, and perhaps the cases, were 
changed. 



112 WILLIAM CAXTON. 



Type No. 2. 



This was the first fount used in England when Caxton set 
up his presses at the " Eed-pale " in the Almonry, and, before 
remarking upon its peculiarities, we will give a list of the 
books known to have been printed from it. Of these, as will 
be shown further on, there are two easily-distinguished classes ; 
those printed first, with type No. 2, and those printed after- 
wards, with a re-casting of the fount, which we call type 
No. 2*. 

TYPE No. 2. 

Les quatre derrennieres choses ante 1477 

History of Jason circa 1477 

Dictes and Sayings of the Philosophers, 1st edition . 1477 

Horse, 1st edition circa 1477 

Canterbury Tales, 1st edition ante 1478 

Moral Proverbs 1478 

Anelida and Arcyte circa 1478 

Boethius de Consolatione Philosophise J 478 

Propositio clarissimi Johannis Russell .... ante 1479 

Stans Puer ad Mensam ante 1479 

Parvus Catho and Magnus Catho, 1st edition . . ante 1479 

Ditto ditto 2nd edition . ante 1479 

The Horse, the Sheep, and the Goose, 1st edition ante 1479 

Ditto ditto 2nd edition . ante 1479 

Infancia Salvatoris ante 1479 

The Temple of Glass ante 1479 

The Chorle and the Bird, 1st edition .... ante 1479 

Ditto 2nd edition ante 1479 

The Temple of Brass ante 1479 

The Book of Courtesy, 1st edition ante 1479 

TYPE No. 2*. 

Cordial 1479 

Laurentius Gulielmus de Saona de Nova Rhethorica, circa 1479 

Dictes and Sayings of the Philosophers, 2nd edit., circa 1480 

An Indulgence 1480 



THE MASTER PRINTER. 113 

Parvus Catho and Magnus Catho, 3rd edition . . circa 1480 

Mirrour of the World, 1st edition 1480 

Reynard the Fox, 1st edition 1480 

Tully of Old Age, and of Friendship 1481 

The Game and Play of the Chess, 2nd edition . circa 1481 

This type has a more dashing, picturesque, and elaborate 
character than type No. 1. It is an imitation of the "gros- 
batarde " type of Colard Mansion, with some variation in the 
capital letters, which are extremely irregular, not only in size 
but also in design, some being of the simplest possible con- 
struction, whilst others have spurs, lines, and nourishes. 

The general appearance of type No. 2 is very different from 
that of No. 2*, many letters in the earlier fount having a 
bolder and thicker face than in the later ; and the fact of there 
being a perfect division of the books into two distinct classes 
prevents our attributing this difference to either wear of type 
or faulty printing — the former would be gradual, the latter 
irregular. 

On comparing the two classes, letter by letter, we find 
several single and compound letters occurring in the one and 
not in the other. Thus zn (not final) is peculiar to the first 
class, while two forms of k without a loop in the head, double 
II without loops, % rna, toe, and too are found in the second 
class only. Other letters are so entirely different that a single 
example is convincing of their not having been printed from 
the same founts ; and the remainder, although often ver}' 
nearly alike, so constantly preserve some slight characteristic 
peculiar to each section, that a close examination of numerous 
instances, after making allowance for faulty printing, leads to 
the conclusion that no letters of the first section are identical 
with those of the second. 

A minute examination discloses the general fact, that the 
letters of Type No. 2* are somewhat thinner than those of 
Type No. 2, and that, in numerous instances, the tops, the 
descending tails, and the titles generally, have been truncated. 
For example, examine the letter f and its combinations in the 
two types ; the second shows always a thinner-faced letter 

H 



U4 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

than the first. Again, notice how the tops of the various fcs, 
the tails of en and m, and the tails generally appear in the 
second state. Observing that the two founts (2 and 2*) are 
never mixed, and that all the books dated before 1479 occur 
in Type No. 2, and all those dated after 1479 m ^°- 2 *> the 
two types appear to indicate two distinct periods ; and, taking 
into consideration the peculiarities just noticed, it would seem 
that, upon the types becoming worn, some of the best were 
selected, trimmed up with a graver, and used for making 
matrices for a new casting. If this were not the case, how 
should we account for the new fount being so nearly like the 
old? for, the two not having been used together, there was no 
reason for such care to make them match. 

The body of Type No. 2 is the same as that of Type No. 2*, 
and is exactly equal to two lines of "Long Primer" (Caslon's 
standard), which is very near to " Paragon." A complete fount 
of Type No. 2 consisted of 217 sorts, and Type No. 2* of 254 
sorts. 

The &c of Type No. 1, which, if it occurred at all, might 
have been expected in the first fount used in England, is found 
only in books printed with Type No. 2*. 

We may notice here that the sorts I J, *j, frr, and others, 
"presume an intended French use of Type No. 2, a probability 
strengthened by the t|j, and the combinations of frr, being later 
additions to the fount in No. 2*. 

Type No. 3. 

This grand type, which was in use from about 1479 to 1483, 
has perhaps less direct interest for us than any of the others. 
No English book in this type is known, and until a very recent 
period it was considered merely as a supplementary fount used 
by Caxton for headings, &c. But the discovery of a " Psal- 
terium," fragments of a "Horae," and a " Directorium " proves 
that three works at least were printed entirely with this fount. 
Upon these, especially the " Psalterium," and upon the head- 
ings of " Boethius," the " Golden Legend," and " Tully," the 
following remarks are based. 

The small letters are an exact copy of those cast by the 



THE MASTER PRINTER. 115 

early German founders, Fust and Schoeffer, and are equally 
well executed. The capital letters, however, are very unlike 
Fust's, being for the most part a modification of the Flemish 
" Secretary," as already presented to us in the gros-batarde 
type of Colard Mansion. 

The body is identical, or very nearly so, with type No. 2, 
and is used with it to distinguish proper names, &c, in the 
" Cordial " and in " Tully," but, having a much larger face, it 
is never in line. 

The complete fount comprised 194 sorts. The stops gener- 
ally are smaller than those of type No. 2, which is remarkable, 
as the face of the letter is much larger. 

This type was intended for Latin works, as the contractions 
sufficiently prove. All the books we have in it are in Latin, except 
headings in the first edition of the " Golden Legend," &c., and 
proper names, as in the " Cordial" and " Tully." Used almost 
entirely for Church Service books, it does not seem to have 
been much in favour with Caxton; but upon his death his 
successor, Wynken de Worde, came into possession of it, and 
used it continually. 

Type No. 4. 

Types No. 4 and 4* may be spoken of generally as one, there 
being the same intimate connection between them as between 
Nos. 2 and 2* ; unlike them, however, there is a slight varia- 
tion in the body, type No. 4 being, as compared with the re- 
casting of it, or type No. 4*, as 20 is to 19. In other words, 
the body of type No. 4 is rather smaller than that of Type No. 
4*. This of course would only be possible by direct intention 
with modern typefounders, who use the same moulds and 
matrices for as many founts of the type as are required; but 
as is shown in the chapter on typefounding, the moulds and 
matrices were in those days very different. 

The engraving of the types is neat, and appears to have been 
executed by the same hand that cut type No. 2 ; but there is 
this difference between the second states of the two founts — 
type No. 2* was, as already shown, cast from matrices formed 
by the use of old casts of type No. 2 as punches, after being 



n6 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

trimmed by hand, but for types Nos. 4 and 4* there is the 
strongest evidence of the same punches having been used, and 
therefore the variation of body is the more remarkable, as it 
would have been as easy to make the re-casting agree in size 
with the original as to make the letters of each fount agree 
among themselves. The variation, however, is a fact. 

The body of type No. 4 is very near indeed to modern 
English (Caslon's standard), and is the smallest of any used by 
Caxton. The re-casting, or type No. 4* (which loses 1 in 20 — 
that is to say, 19 lines of type No. 4* take up only the same 
depth as 20 of type No. 4), is exactly two lines of minion. 
The total number of sorts in type No. 4 appears to have been 
194, and in No. 4* 187, a few sorts not having been re-cast. 

We will now give a list of the works for which this type, in 
its two states, was employed. 

TYPE No. 4. 

The Chronicles of England, 1st edition 1480 

The Description of Britain 1480 

An Indulgence 1481 

Curia Sapientiae circa 148 1 

Godfrey of Boloyne . . . . • 148 1 

The Chronicles of England, 2nd edition 1482 

Polycronicon 1482 

The Pilgrimage of the Soul 1483 

A Vocabulary '..... 1483 

Servitium de Yisitatione circa 1483 

Confessio Amantis (mostly) . 1483 

Sex Epistolse (mostly) 1483 

The Knight of the Tower (partly) 1484 

TYPE No. 4*. 

The Festial, 1st edition 1483 

Quatuor Sermones, 1st edition 1483 

Confessio Amantis (partly) 1483 

The Knight of the Tower (mostly) 1484 

Caton circa 1484 

Golden Legend circa 1484 



THE MASTER PRINTER. 117 

Death-Bed Prayers circa 1484 

iEsop 1484 

Order of Chivalry circa 1484 

Canterbury Tales, 2nd edition circa 1484 

Book of Fame circa 1484 

The Curial circa 1484 

Troylus and Creside circa 1484 

Life of our Lady circa 1484 

Life of St. Winifred circa 1485 

Life of King Arthur 1485 

Life of Charles the Great 1485 

Paris and Yienne 1485 

The commas have a notable chronological bearing. The 
short comma (/) was used alone up to the second edition of the 
"Chronicles," in 1482 — is used occasionally with the long 
comma (/) in 1483 — and disappears entirely after that year. 

A good test by which to distinguish 4 and 4* is the shape of 
the lower-case fo ; the letter with the curled top distinguishing 
the book at once as belonging to type No. 4, whereas its absence 
is a sure sign that the type is No. 4*. 

Type No. 4* makes its first appearance among Caxton's 
founts in a very peculiar manner. In the autumn of 1483 he 
was engaged in printing two works, Gower's ' ' Conf essio 
Amantis" and the "Knight of the Tower." At sig. g °f 
" Confessio Amantis " we find that the inmost sheet is in 
type No. 4*, the three other sheets of the section being in 
type No. 4. Several pages in sig. | are also in No. 4*, and on 
sig. jxuj recto the first column is in No. 4, while the second 
column is in No. 4*. This mixture of founts by no means 
proves that the two were in use at the same time ; it only 
shows that before the cases containing type No. 4 were finally 
emptied out to make room for the new fount, one compositor 
had worked ahead of his fellows, who had not finished their 
taking of copy when the new letter supplanted the old. The 
table, although placed at the commencement of the book, was 
necessarily printed last, and therefore, as a matter of course, 
we find type No. 4* used for it. In the "Knight of the 



n8 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

Tower," sig. f introduces the new fount to us, all that follows, 
as well as the introductory matter, being type No. 4*. 

Type No. 5. 

There is much similarity of design between this and type 
No. 3, the likeness between some of the letters being so close 
as to lead to the conclusion that one artist cut both. 

The books printed in this letter are as follows : — 

The Eoyal Eook circa 1487 

The Book of Good Manners 1487 

Directorium Sacerdotum, 1st edition circa 1487 

Speculum Vitse Christi circa 1488 

Commemoratio Lamentationis circa 1488 

The Doctrinal of Sapience 1489 

Horse circa 1490 

Servitium de Transfiguratione circa 1491 

In the 2nd edition of the "Golden Legend" (1487?), all 
the headings, both of chapters and pages, are in this type. 

Type No. 5 has no exact counterpart in the bodies of modern 
founders. The nearest would be two lines of brevier, than 
which it is slightly larger, losing one line in thirty-five. The 
total number of sorts in use appears to have been 153. The 
comparative scarcity of double letters is very noticeable. No 
Arabic numerals are used. 

The large Lombardic capitals used with this fount have a 
bold and striking appearance. Unlike any former fount of 
Caxton's, they are all cast with the largest face the body will 
bear, and without the least beard. They are used, more or 
less, in every book printed with this type, although in some 
books (e.g. " Koyal " and " Speculum ") they appear very seldom. 
They do not look at all well when used as initials to a word, on 
account of their size preventing them ranging with the sequent 
letters, and this may have been the cause why Caxton, except 
in the "Directorium," made a very sparing use of them, save 
indeed that he converted them into quadrats. For this purpose 
they were doubtless adapted by some shortening process, which, 
however, has not prevented them cropping out continually in 



THE MASTER PRINTER. 119 

the blank spaces of the head lines and signature lines, where 
they often assume a very puzzling appearance. In the latest 
books printed with type No. 5 these Lombardic capitals appear 
as red initials, printed at a separate operation. This use for 
them was, doubtless, the invention of Caxton's successor, Wynken 
de Worde, who appears to have inherited his master's working 
materials. 

Type No. 6. 
The body of this fount is great primer (Caslon's standard) 
within a shade, being almost the same as type No. 1. The 
number of sorts in the fount is, for Caxton, very small, amount- 
ing to only 138. It may be called Caxton's last fount, for it 
came into use in 1489, and was used for books up to 1491, the 
date of Caxton's death. Indeed, there seems good reason for 
supposing that for some time after Caxton's death it served his 
successor, Wynken de Worde. With it the following works 
were printed : — 

The Fayts of Arms 1489 

Statutes of Henry VII circa 1489 

The Gouvernal of Health circa 1489 

Reynard the Fox, 2nd edition circa 1489 

Blanchardin and Eglantine circa 1489 

The Four Sons of Aymon circa 1489 

Directoriurn Sacerdotum, 2nd edition .... circa 1489 

Eneydos circa 1490 

The Fifteen Oes, &c circa 1490 

The Dictes and Sayings of the Philosophers, 3rd 

edition circa 1490 

The Mirrour of the World, 2nd edition .... circa 1490 

Divers Ghostly Matters circa 1490 

The Art and Craft to know well to Die .... circa 1491 

The Book of Courtesy, 2nd edition circa 1491 

The Festial, 2nd edition circa 149 [ 

Quatuor Sermones, 2nd edition circa 1491 

The Chastising of God's Children circa 1491 

A Treatise of Love circa 1491 

We have in this fount another remarkable instance of the 



120 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

contrivances employed by the early typefounders. A new 
fount was required, but whether Caxton gave the founders 
instructions concerning its size, or whether the fount was cast 
first, and then sold to our printer, there seems no possibility of 
discovering ; but this we can prove from the pages themselves, 
that the greater portion of type No. 6 was made from the 
punches, or from old letters of Caxton's Nos. 2 and 2*. The 
body is rather smaller, nine lines occupying the same depth as 
eight lines of No. 2 ; and it is amusing to observe the shifts 
and contrivances resorted to for reducing those letters which, 
in type No. 2, occupied the full body. For instance, the &, 
JH, and $, have the flourish which passes under the letter 
brought close up to the letter itself. The 3St was also treated 
in the same way, but the violence used has damaged the 
flourish so much that, in most instances, it broke away; in 
some cases, however, it remains in a most pitiable and crippled 
condition. The corresponding flourish in the 13 has been 
boldly cropped off. jjr and 3 are strangely transformed, evi- 
dently by a blow on the soft metal, lengthwise. A few charac- 
ters altogether new appear, and a few interpolations from other 
founts, besides a quaint set of Lombardic capitals, among which 
occurs now and then a letter from the Lombardic fount used 
with type No. 5. The total number of sorts was 141. 

But here the question may very naturally be asked, How do 
we know that the books in the foregoing lists which are with- 
out date, without place, and without printer's name, although 
printed with the same types as those of Caxton, are not really 
from the workshop of another printer, who had obtained his 
material from the same source as our printer? The evidence 
is entirely negative, but it is nevertheless very strong. 

When a new branch of industry becomes sufficiently deve- 
loped, one of the immediate consequences is a division of 
labour. Thus typefounders became separated from printers, 
as soon as the latter became sufficiently numerous to keep the 
former in constant employment. The earliest printers were 
almost of necessity their own typefounders, and it appears 
that they each made or otherwise exclusively possessed those 
patterns of types which they used. There is certainly no 



THE MASTER PRINTER. 121 

evidence that prior to the end of the 15 th century the types 
of one printer were at the same time in use by another. This 
exclusive use of types has been accepted as a fact by the best 
authorities, and has been of great use to the bibliographer in 
identifying the printer of books sine ulld notd, for a printer 
may thus be recognised at once by his types, just as a man may 
be distinguished by his handwriting. 

THE COMPOSITOR. 

We will now suppose a fount of type delivered over to the 
compositors to be laid in the cases, an operation requiring much 
more care than in the present day, on account of the numerous 
double letters and combinations. One result of the Combina- 
tions would be to equalise the size of the boxes, as the letter 
" e " for instance, which now requires the largest box, would 
then most frequently occur in combination with one of the 
consonants, and not be used alone oftener than many other 
letters. Counting the respective numbers used of each sort 
throughout many pages of different books, the fact is ascer- 
tained that single vowels and single consonants were more 
often required than any one particular combination. Arrang- 
ing a case on the basis that the sorts most in use should be 
placed before the compositor in the position most accessible to 
his fingers, and remembering that in all the old representations 
of a "case" there is no division into upper and lower as now, 
we arrive at the accompanying plan, which is doubtless a 
tolerably exact representation of a compositor's case as used 
by Caxton. There are 209 boxes, which would lead to some 
little difficulty in keeping " clean cases ; " and one need feel 
no surprise at finding wrong letters so often making their 
appearance in Caxton's pages. The combinations of in, ni, un, 
nu t nn, im, mi were often found in the wrong boxes, and have 
brought down to the present day the strongest evidence against 
the usefulness of logotypes. 

In the earliest representation of a printing office the press 
is always made the most prominent object; very often, how- 
ever, as in Plate VII, with a compartment for the compositor. 
Figure 1 is the earliest instance, and we there see a compositor 



122 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

at work. Before him is the case divided into even boxes, and 
raised on a cleft stick is the copy. The composing-stick is in 
his right hand, doubtless owing to the engraver not having 
reversed the drawing from which he copied : it is held correctly 
by the man in Plate VIII. We have already noticed the use of 
a composing-stick and setting-rule, and the evenness of lines 
consequent thereon. It was not adopted at Westminster until 
1480, although Caxton must often have seen the improved 
appearance which lines of an even length gave to the page in 
the numerous works previously issued from all the Continental 
presses. He would, doubtless, have imitated them had his 
mechanical appliances permitted ; but we do not find evenness 
of page until the arrival of type No. 4, in the year 1480 ; and 
then, probably for the first time, composing-sticks, setting-rules, 
and chases were seen in the Westminster printing office. 
Before this the types were no doubt, as M. Bernard has shown 
to be the case in the later block books and the early examples 
of Dutch printing, taken straight from their boxes, and placed 
side by side in a sort of coffin, made of hard wood, with a stout 
bottom, and screws at the foot to tighten the page when com- 
pleted. The width of the page could not be extended beyond 
the internal measurement of the " coffin," but might be reduced 
at pleasure by placing down either side a straight piece of 
wood. The length of the page would be regulated in a similar 
manner, by varying the thickness of the foot-block against 
which the screws worked. 

Let us, then, imagine the workman with his wooden box 
before him. The further end would be slightly raised, to keep 
the types from falling forward. He begins at the left-hand 
corner, and adding, from the case, letter to letter, soon gets 
to the end of the first line, and, not having room for the next 
word, makes it quite tight with quadrats or spaces. Then 
comes the second line, and this, as well as all the rest, would 
not be so easy. Placing rough types upon rough types admits 
of very little shifting or adjustment, and to this fact, I imagine, 
we must attribute the practice of leaving the lines of an un- 
even length in early books. Any attempt to push along the 
words of a line in order to introduce more space between them, 



THE MASTER PRINTER. 123 

without some plan of easing the friction, would be certain to 
break up the line altogether — and so the lines were left just 
as they happened to fall, whether full length or short. Some- 
times, when a word would come into the line with a little 
reduction of the space between the last two words, the space 
was reduced accordingly; but more often a syllable at the 
end of the line was contracted, such as "men" into "me," 
or "vertuous" into "vertuo 9 ." Most often the compositor, 
knowing the practice to be understood by his readers, would 
finish his line with just so many letters as his measure would 
take, and accordingly it is common to find words divided thus : 
— why-|che th|at w|ymen w|iche m|an. But when once 
the " setting-rule " was brought into use all that was altered, 
and the various words of a line could be pushed about, and the 
spaces between them augmented or reduced with ease. Having 
completed his proper number of lines, the foot-piece would be 
placed after the last line for the foot-screws to work upon, and 
the "form" would be ready for press. There being a bottom 
to the box, nothing could fall out, and, although doubtless not 
very tight in some parts, the sloppy ink then used would not, 
like modern stiff ink, draw up any loose letters. 

If the sides of these coffins, or wooden boxes, were equal 
in height with the types they enclosed, they would, like them, 
leave their mark on the paper. This was the case in some of 
the early Dutch block-books, where the sides of the chase 
appear occasionally printed in the margin. I have searched in 
vain for any marks of the chase in the margins of Caxton's 
books. Eut whatever method he used — whether he screwed 
up the types in wooden boxes, or whether he used iron chases, 
— one thing is very plain in nearly every book he issued, either 
the "justification" was bad, or the pages were "locked up" 
very loosely, for quadrats and spaces are continually " working 
up " and showing themselves. 

The composing-sticks were originally of hard wood, without 
any sliding adjustment ; one set, all the same, were for folio 
pages, another for quarto, another for octavo. 

" Reglets," or thin pieces of hard wood the length of a line, 
appear never to have been used. When a " white " line was 



124 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

"wanted under a chapter head or over a colophon, em quadrats 
were ranged side by side for the purpose, and very often capital 
letters which had been reduced in height for the purpose, 
although often not sufficiently. These low capitals would often 
work up while at press, and make undesirable appearances in 
very conspicuous places. For examples the reader may examine 
the " Eoyal Book," and " Speculum Yitse Christi," in the British 
Museum. 

The " balls " with which the page was inked before taking 
an impression appear to have undergone no change in shape 
or make from the earliest times until the very beginning of 
the present century. When, however, the flexible composition 
now in use was invented it soon entirely superseded the old 




WOODEN COMPOSING-STICK. 

plan, and now it is a matter of great difficulty to find an old 
pair of balls. These balls were hollow hemispheres of wood 
with a handle. Wool was fitted into the hollow, upon which 
the skin, or " pelt," was nailed on the side more than half-way 
round ; then more wool was pushed in till the skin was quite 
tight : the last nails were then hammered in, and the balls fit 
for use. 

The page having been completed by the compositor, it went 
to press in its chase or wooden box without any further opera- 
tion. The business of " reader " as yet was not. All the 
workmen's blunders and errors, the turned letters, the wrong 
sorts, and the numerous literal mistakes were left uncorrected. 
Even whole lines were occasionally omitted by the workman, 
and the omission remained throughout the edition, affording 



THE MASTER PRINTER. 125 

indisputable evidence that " proof sheets " after composition 
were quite unknown. At page 125 of Lewis's "Life of Caxton," 
we read concerning our printer — "As he printed long before 
the present Method of adding the Errata at the End of Books 
was in Use and Practice, so his extraordinary Exactness obliged 
him to take a great deal more Pains than can easily be imagined ; 
for, after a Book was printed off, his way was to revise it, and 
correct the Eaults in it with red Ink, as they then used to 
correct their written Books. This being done to one Copy, he 
caused one of his Servants to run through the whole Impression, 
and correct the Faults he had noted with a Stanesil or Eed-lead 
Pencil, which he himself afterwards compared with his own 
corrected Copy, to see that none of the Corrections he had 
made were omitted." A most laborious task indeed, had so 
foolish an idea ever entered the mind of so practical a man as 
Caxton ; but the whole assertion is a mere fiction, started by 
Bagford, adopted by Lewis, and repeated by every subsequent 
writer, without a shadow of evidence to support it. The only 
books in which manuscript additions were made at the time 
of publication were the " Polycronicon " and " Mirrour of the 
World." The former, in the majority of copies, has the year 
of the world and the regnal year engrossed in red ink on the 
side margins ; and the latter, in the woodcut of the seven 
concentric circles which represent the astronomical heavens, has 
the names of the celestial spheres written in black ink between 
each circle. But although I have examined about five hundred 
of Caxton's books, I have never seen anything approaching to 
a grammatical correction coeval with the date of the book. 

Many people have been puzzled by the abnormal punctuation 
in Caxton's books. As a rule he employed three points, the 
comma, the colon, and the period or full point. Notwithstand- 
ing these three varieties, Caxton appears to have been entirely 
ignorant of any, even the most archaic, principle of punctuation. 
Nor indeed could we expect anything else unless we suppose 
him, in a literary sense, far in advance of his age. 

In order to place ourselves as level as possible with the ideas 
of the fifteenth century regarding punctuation, it will be neces- 
sary to trace the use of points to their origin. 



126 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

Like everything else, including the invention of printing, 
punctuation was no sudden discovery : on the contrary, it had a 
most feeble and protracted infancy. The earliest known manu- 
scripts are without points, and all the words run on without 
spaces between them. The confusion which resulted led to 
the plan of separating the words by a single dot. Then a space 
between the words superseded the dot, which, was turned to 
another use, viz., to show the end of a phrase or sentence. 
The Greek grammarians were the first to notice that sentences 
might be divided into parts or limbs. They called a complete 
sentence a period, a limb was a colon, and a clause a comma. 
But these divisions were for centuries but theoretical, the most 
careful writers paying but little attention to them, and the 
scribes, commonly, none. iElius Donatus, who lived in the 
fifth century of the Christian era, and wrote a grammar which 
served as a text-book for all Europe until long after the inven- 
tion of printing, was the first to distinguish by points the three 
divisions of the Greek grammarians. He did not, however, get 
beyond the dot, which he placed at the bottom of the line to 
designate the comma, in the middle of the line for the colon, 
and at the top of the line for the period. 

In the ninth and tenth centuries the oblique stroke as a 
comma, and the double dot for a colon, came into use by careful 
writers ; the majority, however, used either no points at all or 
the dot in all its positions without discrimination. Often the 
dot at the top of the line was the only division for all parts of 
a sentence. The remembrance of these various practices among 
the writers of books will serve to explain many of the pecu- 
liarities of punctuation in our early-printed books. 

The multiplication of books by the printing-press brought 
out strongly the anomalies of punctuation, but it was half a 
century later before any general system was adopted. The first 
printers were not grammarians, nor can they be expected to 
show a knowledge of punctuation in advance of their age. 
Even those learned printers, Aldus, Manutius, and Henry 
Stephens, were quite ignorant of systematic punctuation, as 
their books plainly show ; so that we need not think any the 
worse of Caxton or our other early printers if in this respect 



THE MASTER PRINTER. 127 

they too were very faulty. When, however, system at last was 
developed, it was to the printers and not to the authors that 
the improvement was due. 

Turning now to the books of Caxton, we find, as already 
stated, that he employed three points. His commas were long 
(/) or short (/) strokes; his colon was like ours, one dot over 
another ; and his period was a lozenge-shaped dot at top. All 
these were used very capriciously; in fact, Caxton made very 
little distinction between them, nor did his workmen. Each 
compositor seems to have kept his points all in one box, and to 
have used; them at haphazard. We find even a head line with 
one comma before, and another after it. Full points are com- 
monly used in the same way. The full point at top often 
shows the middle of a sentence, and not seldom we see a dance 
of all the points used thus ♦!♦//*!*// to celebrate the conclusion 
of a book or chapter, the compositor apparently regarding them 
as ornamental devices. 

Some of Caxton's books are entirely without points, notably 
those in poetry or in Latin. In others the full point or the 
colon is used exclusively. In " Paris and Yienne " only the long 
comma is seen. His long and short commas are used without 
any variation of meaning. The semicolon did not exist for 
Caxton, although something like it appears once in his great 
heading type. The paragraph mark (IF) as showing the com- 
mencement of a fresh sentence, and the coloured initial which 
answered the same purpose, did good duty for the full point. 
The hyphen is frequently met with, and where the line was 
crowded, Caxton often employed the colon, which was half the 
thickness, in lieu of it. 

Not until we are well into the sixteenth century do we find 
printers adopting an acknowledged system of graduated points ; 
and our surprise that standard authors like Chaucer and 
Lydgate should have ignored all systematic punctuation must 
be greatly modified when we remember that, after four cen- 
turies of the printing-press, modern authors and printers have 
their vagaries, and that even now no two authorities agree as 
to the correct usage of the points of punctuation. 



128 WILLIAM CAXTON. 



PRESSES, PRESSMEN, AND PRINTING-INK. 

The method adopted by the earliest printers to obtain impres- 
sions from their blocks was to lay the sheet to be printed on 
the already inked block, and to rub it carefully. Wood-engravers 
of the present day take proofs in the same manner. The plan 
was continued for block printing many years after the invention 
of moveable types. The method of obtaining an impression by 
a direct pressure downwards is generally supposed to have been 
synchronous with the use of moveable types. Mr. Ottley, how- 
ever, describes several of the earliest wood-blocks, which he had 
no doubt were printed by means of a press. Of one he states, 
" I am in possession of a specimen of wood engraving, printed in 
black oil colour on both sides the paper by a downright pressure, 
which I consider to have been, without doubt, printed in or 
before the year 1445." There can be no question, therefore, 
that the earliest type- printers found a press ready to their hands ; 
but as we have no description of the mechanism of the early 
presses, we must, as in the instance of typefounding, have 
recourse to the first dated engravings. The earliest representa- 
tions of a printing-press are found in the works of Jodocus 
Badius Ascensius, the celebrated printer of Paris. Two of 
these are delineated in Plates YII and VIII, whereof the earlier 
is found as a printer's device in the title of a work dated 1507. 
The large press, Plate IX, having upon its basement the date 
1520, was taken from the Bagford collection, and has hitherto 
been generally considered as the earliest representation of a 
printing-press. The small press was taken from a tract of 
Luther's dated 1522. The other comes also from the Bagford 
fragments, and appears to be about the middle of the sixteenth 
century, as the mechanism of the spindle is evidently improved. 
It is represented here, however, principally on account of the 
figure of a typefounder seen through a door in the background, 
a feature very rarely pourtrayed : I have not been able to trace 
the work for which this woodcut was designed. In all these 
presses the principle is the same. There is a simple worm 
screw, with a long pin for a lever; the head of the press and 



Plate VII. 



TIw oldest knoivn representation of a Printing Press. Paris y 1507. 




Luther's Press. Augsburg, 1522. 




Plate VIII. 

The " Prelum Ascensianum." Paris, 1520. 





ft ! S. 

<S> CD 




M 







I 



THE MASTER PRINTER. 129 

the table bear the pressure, and the " hose," as the transverse 
piece between the screw and the platen was called, served to 
steady the downward pressure. The girths, drum, and handle 
served to run the table out and in, and the tympans and frisket 
were identical in principle, if not in appearance, with those now 
used. In Plate IX we see some of the pressman's appliances 
exposed to view. There is the shears for cutting out his 
tympan-sheet, and for general purposes ; next to it is a pick- 
brush for cleaning out picks in the type ; a pair of compasses 
for accurately testing the " furniture " between the pages ; and, 
lastly, a screw point for making "register." 

To each press is assigned two workmen ; one is pulling lustily 
at the bar, while the other is distributing ink upon the balls 
previously to beating the form. The two heaps of printed and 
white paper, in Fig. 2, appear to our modern notions very 
awkwardly placed, being both on the off side of the press, so 
that the workman had to reach over the form whenever he took 
up or laid down a fresh sheet of paper. As however this 
peculiarity is represented continually, and so late as the seven- 
teenth century, it was doubtless a common custom. 

No doubt the ink was better and the impression harder in 
the time of these presses than in Caxton's time. His ink was 
of the weakest description, and the amount of power required 
for a " pull " of the press proportionately weak, the one necessi- 
tating the other. His presses, in the earlier part of his printing 
career, did not take more than a post folio page ; and, with a 
very sloppy ink, the pull, if strong, would have made a confused 
mass of black instead of a legible impression. As it is, the ink 
has been almost invariably squeezed over the edge of the letters, 
and has contorted their shape. Few indeed, although practical 
men, would imagine the deceptive nature of an impression taken 
from new types with weak ink and light pressure. In such a 
case the type appears at one time much thicker than it is, from 
the " spuing " of the ink — at another time battered, with some 
portion of it broken — and again, to use a technical term, as if it 
were all "off its feet." 

The representation of the "Printer" in the "Book of 
Trades," 1569, shows that the presses then were fitted with 

1 



130 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

both "tympans" and "frisket;" and many signs lead to the 
belief that similar appliances were used by Caxton's workmen. 
In short pages we often find a few lines of matter put at the 
bottom, which was blocked out by the frisket, and answered 
the purpose of a "bearer." Several instances occur in the 
" Godfrey," at the Public Library, Cambridge ; also in the 
" Life of Our Lady," at the British Museum. In " Speculum 
vitae Christi" we actually find "a bite," half of the bottom 
line remaining unprinted. 

We have already noticed that only one page at a time was 
worked in the earlier part of Caxton's career, although later, 
at the probable introduction of Wynken de Worde, two pages 
were managed. This necessitated great care in getting the 
unsigned pages in their right places, and that such care was 
needed is proved by several instances of transposition. 

Before leaving this portion of our subject, a peculiarity 
probably connected with the mechanism of the press must be 
noticed. A small hole at the four corners of each sheet appears 
in every book printed with type No. i. Such holes (first 
noticed by Mr. Tupper) have not been observed in any books 
printed with the later types, except " Quatre derrennieres 
choses." The employment of points by modern pressmen to obtain 
accuracy of register, and the punctures (called "point holes") 
in the paper, consequent upon the use of them, are well known. 
The holes under notice certainly suggest a similar practice. 

After due time allowed for the ink to dry upon the paper, the 
printed sheets passed into the hands of the binder, whose opera- 
tions come next under consideration. 

THE BOOKBINDER. 

The art of bookbinding had not in England, in the fifteenth 
century, reached the perfection seen in the beautiful Conti- 
nental specimens of the same period. Nor indeed was any 
uncommon binding required for the cheap productions of 
Caxton's press. His sheets were not, as in modern practice, 
pressed between glazed boards after being printed, but went, 
without further process, from the press side to the hands of 



THE MASTER PRINTER. 131 

the binder. The few specimens which have reached us in a 
pristine state show the indentation, more or less distinct, made 
by the types. The edition of " Eneydos," 1490, was hurried 
through the binder's hands so soon after the first section (which, 
containing the prologue and table, necessarily went to press last) 
was printed, that all the leaves of that section, in every copy I 
have seen, show a very bad " set-off " from the type on the 
opposite pages. 

To enable the binder to collate the sheets of each section 
correctly, it was the custom, as well with the scribes as with 
the printers, to place distinguishing marks on the first page 
of each sheet; these were called signatures, and as Caxton 
used only 4 US for his books, the binder (as a rule) was sure 
that when he had got sheets a J, ft l{, ft Uj, ft titj, together his 
section was complete. Some printers, who were irregular as to 
the number of sheets in a section, adopted the plan of signing 
the centre sheet of every section upon the third as well as the 
first page, so that the binder by this distinguishing mark might 
directly see the number of sheets intended for each section, 
however great the irregularity. In such cases the 4 11 would 
be signed on the first five rectos, leaving only three unsigned. 
Caxton, however, never adopted this plan, his sections always 
containing the same number of unsigned as of signed leaves. 
The sheets having been collected into sections, the signatures 
served again to collate the sections into volumes, the only use 
for which they are now retained. All the early books from 
Caxton' s press are described as unsigned, because the signatures 
were not printed, but inserted in manuscript at the extreme 
bottom of the page. 

The modern binder begins by folding all his sheets into 
quarto, octavo, &c, according to the size of the book, each 
folded sheet making a section; they are then collated and 
bound. In Caxton's books the collation of the sheets preceded 
the folding. It has been already observed that the quarto 
sizes were treated, both in printing and binding, as folio, the 
paper being cut in half before going to press. The type was so 
arranged that when three, four, or five sheets were folded one 
inside another, quirewise, the pages should be in their proper 



132 



WILLIAM CAXTON. 



sequence. The open sheets of each section heing gathered were 
knocked even, and folded in the middle. This adoption of one 
plan for books of all sizes was in accordance with the old usage 
of the scribes, who necessarily cut their vellum sheets to the 
intended size before the manuscript was commenced, and varied 
their sections from three sheets, if very thick, to six or seven, 
if very thin. The section of three sheets was called " ternio " 
— of four sheets " quaternus " — of five sheets " quinternus " — 
and so on. Caxton adopted the " quaternus " or" quaternion " 
for all his books, using a larger or smaller section only if the 
beginning or end required it. Wynken de Worde, however, 
made frequent use of the ternion. 

From the foregoing remarks we see that the ternion and 
quaternion must necessarily be arranged in the order of the 
following diagrams, by consulting which the reader may easily 
know the pages belonging to any given sheet. 

A Ternion — Three sheets of paper folded in half, quirewise, 
or one inside another. This gives six leaves, or twelve pages. 



reefy 



\rers° 
fee 



A Quaternion — Four sheets of paper folded in half, quire- 
wise, or one inside another. This gives eight leaves, or sixteen 
pages. 





If this arrangement be kept in mind it will be found very 
useful in many ways. For instance, it is often important to 
know whether a leaf preceded the first printed page, and, if so, 
whether the blank leaf found in many volumes is that leaf. It 



THE MASTER PRINTER. 133 

is plain that if a quaternion was adopted for the first section, 
then the first and the eighth leaf would belong to the same 
sheet of paper ; and therefore if sig. a 8 had a watermark sig. a j 
should not have any; if atf had a watermark, a 7 should be 
without, and so on with atlj and a 6, and with atttj and a 5, 
where we arrive at the middle sheet of the section, and where a 
careful examination in the fold will certainly show the thread 
of the binder, always a true sign of the centre. These indica- 
tions are often the only decisive evidence of the completeness 
or incompleteness of a volume, and enable us to decide, even 
where printed signatures are wanting, the true collation of a 
book. 

Catchwords are not found in any of Caxton's books, although 
here and there a word by itself at the foot of a page may look 
very like one ; but in every instance this word will be found to 
form an integral part of the text, and therefore in no sense a 
catchword, which by its very nature must be treated as the 
first word of the next page. 

In paper manuscripts of the fifteenth century it is not un- 
common to find vellum used for the inmost sheet of each section, 
or to find a slip of parchment pasted down the centre of each 
section This was to give an increase of strength to the back 
where the binder's thread would be likely to tear through the 
paper. Instances where these slips are used are common in 
"unwashed" specimens from Caxton's press. The manuscript 
volume at Althorp, containing "Propositio," is treated so 
throughout, and in the quarto poems at Cambridge the marks 
of the paste, where the slip was torn away at the rebinding of 
the volume, are very visible. 

The earliest pictorial representation of a binder at work is 
displayed in the little " Book of Trades," to which reference 
has already been made ; but as there is nothing in it peculiar 
to the age we will pass on to the material of the covers. This 
was very frequently only a stiff piece of parchment, with the 
edges turned in, and a blank leaf pasted down inside as a 
lining. A few books still remain in this state, just as issued 
from the " Ked-pale " by Caxton. Such are the copies of 
" Tully de Senectute" in Queen's College, Oxford; the "Art 



134 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

and Craft," " Directoriurn," and the " Game and Play of the 
Chess," in the Bodleian ; and the " Godfrey of Boloyne " in the 
library of Mr. Holf ord. If intended to be more durable, Caxton 
used "boards" sometimes made of oak, or beech, and some- 
times (fortunately for bibliographers) of waste sheets from the 
press pasted together. These were covered with brown sheep- 
skin, upon which was a simple pattern of circles, or crosses, 
or dragons, &c. Instances may still be seen in the 2nd edition 
of the " Festial " at the British Museum ; in the " Servitium 
de Transfiguratione," lately purchased for the same library ; 
in the 2nd edition of the " Mirrour of the World," at Bristol ; 
and at other libraries. In the last-mentioned volume four 
leaves of the unique "Fifteen Oes" were used as linings for 
the inside of the boards. An account of a "Boethius," of 
which the interior of the covers was composed entirely of 
" waste sheets," is given in the description of that work. 

When bound, we may consider that the book was generally 
ready for delivery to the purchaser. It was so with all Caxton's 
later publications, but the earlier books still required the 
services of the rubrisher. 



THE ILLUMINATOR, THE RUBRISHER, AND THE 
WOOD-ENGRAVER. 

It has already been noticed that, in the latter half of the 
fifteenth century, the great development of book manufacture 
led to a corresponding division of labour. Thus in Bruges 
we find there were Scrivers, or persons who wrote the text 
only of books, Verlichters, or Rubrishers, who probably con- 
fined their attention to illuminated capitals, and Vinghette 
makers (miniatores), who were artists capable of designing 
and painting subjects. In only one instance do the books of 
Caxton suggest the idea that the services of the Vinghette 
make?" were to have been employed. At the commencement 
of his edition of Gower's " Confessio Amantis" (sig. 1, 4), the 
prologue of the author is begun more than half-way down the 
page. The blank was evidently intended for a design of some 



THE MASTER PRINTER. 135 

sort, possibly for a large woodcut, after the fashion of Colarcl 
Mansion, who printed all the great cuts to his "Ovid" by a 
separate working. As a rule, however, Caxton's books required 
no help from the vinghette maker, although he certainly em- 
/ ployed, so late as 1485, the services of a rubrisher, to insert 
the initial letters at the beginning of chapters, and to make 
paragraph marks in appropriate places. For this purpose a 
vermilion ink was nearly always used, although occasionally a 
light blue alternated. For the initial of the first chapter a 
square space was left equal to the depth of four or five lines of 
type : for succeeding chapters a space of two lines was generally 
considered sufficient. 

The first use of woodcut initials was in 1484, after which 
year they were never (except on rare occasions when a sort 
ran short) omitted. Caxton had only two or three of each 
letter, and sometimes only one, as may easily be seen by the 
recurrence of a particular initial. Some of them have their 
heavy blackness relieved by a few white dots punctured in 
the face of the letter, a practice frequently adopted by the 
German school to lighten the groundwork of early woodcuts. 
Caxton's initials are varied in shape, and often elegant in 
design, but with the exception of the floriated <H at the begin- 
ning of the "Order of Chivalry," and "iEsop," and perhaps 
the t3 in "Eneydos," they demand no especial notice. A few 
of them are given here. 

The woodcut illustrations to Caxton's books have not received 
much attention from the writers on the early history of wood 
engraving. Strutt, Singer, and Ottley in his " Enquiry " have 
omitted to notice them. Dibdin and Jackson have devoted a 
few pages to their consideration ; and Ottley, in the posthumous 
work on the " Invention of Printing," has some interesting 
remarks on the early use of the art in England. His opinions 
are enforced by a facsimile of some rude woodcuts in his own 
possession, which he believed to have been executed as early as 
the celebrated S. Christopher of 1423. From his arguments 
we may conclude that although no great amount of vitality can 
be attributed to the art of wood engraving in England in the 
early part of the fifteenth century, it nevertheless was known 



136 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

and practised by native artists; and that the use of native 
talent for Caxton's books was therefore possible. 

At the same time it requires no artistic education to see that 
there is a great similarity in general appearance between the 
illustrations in some of the early Dutch books, and the wood- 
cuts of Caxton's " Chess Book," " Golden Legend," and others. 
In the "Troy Book," folio, printed at Augsburg in 1483, and 
the French-printed "iEsop," 1476, the broad outline and heavy 
black feet of the figures at once suggest a similarity of style if 
not identity of artist. But whether Caxton's cuts be native or 
foreign, there can be little doubt of the origin of the designs. 
His artist merely copied the outlines found in the manuscript 
from which the book was being (or to be) printed. At that 
period there were a certain number of standard works always 
in demand, and for each of these the illuminators had a conven- 
tional treatment, which appears repeated over and over again in 
different books. To those who have examined the illuminated 
manuscripts of the fifteenth century, executed in the Low 
Countries (of which there are numerous examples in the Koyal 
Collection of the British Museum), the identity of design and 
treatment in Caxton's engravings will be evident. 

It is somewhat remarkable that woodcut illustrations pre- 
ceded the use of woodcut initials in Caxton's books by about 
four years. In the "Fables of iEsop," 1484, we meet with 
printed initials for the first time, while woodcuts, illustrative 
of the text, had been used in great abundance for the " Golden 
Legend," the "Chess Book," the " Mirrour of the World," 1st 
edition, and " Parvus et Magnus Catho," the last dating about 
1481. 

The following is a list of all the books printed by Caxton 
with woodcut illustrations : — 

Parvus et Magnus Catho, ) „ rp 3 • 

. -,., ° ' > 148 1 ? Two designs. 
3rd edit j 

Mirrour of the World, 1st ) AT i«^««- 

' } 1 48 1 Numerous designs, 

edit J 

The Game and Play of the ) , gixteen degi 

Chess, 2nd edit. ... J 



THE MASTER PRINTER. 



137 



(J olden Legend 
Canterbury Tales, 2nd edit 

JEsop 

Order of Chivalry . . 
Royal Book .... 
Speculum vitae Christi . 
Doctrinal of Sapience 

Horae, 3rd edit. . . . 

Servitium Transfiguratione 

The Fifteen Oes . . . 

Mirrour of the World, 2nd 

edit 

Divers Ghostly Matters . 



1484 Very numerous designs. 
1484 Very numerous designs. 
o { Very numerous designs. 
\ Initials first used. 
1484 Large floriated $L 
1487 ? Seven small designs. 
1488? Numerous designs. 

1489 Two designs. 

? ( A fragment, with one 
' ( design. 

1490 ? One small design. 

2 j The Crucifixion cut and 
' \ borders. 

1490 ? Old cuts reprinted. 

1490 ? One small design. 



Had Caxton's opportunities allowed, he would probably have 
used the wood-engraver's art to a much greater extent. The 
above table shows that in 148 1, when he first employed wood- 
cuts, he also discontinued them ; that in 1484 he again, for one 
year only, used them; and that in 1487 they took a permanent 
position in his typography. This seeming capriciousness was 
probably owing to the difficulty experienced in obtaining the 
services of a wood engraver. 

The engravings in 1481, 1484, and partly in 1487-8, appear 
to have come from the hand of the same artist. In the last 
year, however, we find considerable improvement, as shown in 
the illustrations to the "Royal Book," and "Speculum Vitas 
Christi ; " but Caxton's best specimen of the wood-engraver's art, 
and one which has been much praised by Dibdin, and especially 
Jackson, for its composition and feeling, is the well-known 
" Crucifixion." This design is frequently seen in the books of 
Wynken de Worde, who received great credit for it until its 
earlier use was discovered as a frontispiece to Caxton's " Fifteen 
Oes." 

The largest woodcut known to have been used in Caxton's 
books is the Assembly of Saints, at the beginning of all the 



138 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

editions of the " Golden Legend," and the smallest, of which 
there are four, are found in illustrations to the text in the 
" Speculum vitae Christi." 

This portion must not, however, be dismissed without a few 
words upon that most interesting of all Caxton's woodcuts, 
the large device. Caxton used but one ; the small device, of a 
similar design, which is commonly attributed to him, and which 
is first seen in the " Chastising of God's Children," being cer- 
tainly not earlier than 1491, in which year he died. 

The interpretation of the device offers a question by no means 
of easy solution. We may dismiss, as unworthy of serious 
notice, the suggestions that the figures should be reversed to 
read 1447, or that the 74 or 47 refers to Caxton's age and not 
to a particular year. The problem to be solved is, does the 
design mean 74, and if so, why did Caxton use the year 1474 
on his device? Bibliographers have hitherto assumed that it 
must be in reference to the introduction of printing into 
England, and quote the colophon to the 1st edition of the 
" Chess Book " in support of the argument. But, as already 
shown, the date of the " Chess Book " refers to the translation 
of the work, the printing having been certainly accomplished later 
at Bruges, and probably in 1476, Caxton's settlement at West- 
minster not having occurred until late in that year, or in 1477. 

The first to suggest that this mark had no reference whatever 
to Arabic figures was Mr. Bradshaw of Cambridge ; and his 
opinion has of late received an interesting and curious con- 
firmation. Mr. Adin Williams of Kempsford, in the course of 
some antiquarian researches, took a rubbing of a monumental 
brass in Standon Church, Herts, and was struck by the resem- 
blance which a part of it bore to Caxton's well-known mark. 
The brass is in bad condition, but it is easily deciphered, and 
is in memory of John Felde, alderman of London, who, like 
Caxton, was a mercer. The alderman is represented kneeling, 
with two sons and a daughter behind him. Above, on one side, 
are the family arms ; on the other is his trade mark as a mercer. 
The surrounding legend is:— "3fof)tt dFelfie, &ttienttatt Of 

EotV&on, JBerctaunt of tfje Staple of (Ealetis, Bfirti 
m. cccc, Ircbij." 



THE MASTER PRINTER. 



139 



The mark of Felde is here given, the dotted line only being 
imaginary ; and beside it, for the sake of comparison, is a reduc- 
tion of Caxton's mark. It will be seen that if the top pennant 





&&/&&<&<$>'<$>. 



of Felde's mark were cut away, and the loop added, we should 
then have a close resemblance to the so-called figures in Caxton's 
device. That Felde's mark is a combination of conventional 
forms then commonly used by merchants is undeniable; and 
Caxton's device is doubtless of a similar character. It is his 
personal seal, and the central part is probably the very same 
mark as that used by him when, as Governour of the English 
Nation, he stamped every bale of British goods which entered 
or issued from the city of Bruges. 

The debate upon Caxton's device has until lately been con- 
fined to the central portion, the surroundings having been by 
general consent considered merely as ornamentation. In all 
probability this view is correct ; but, as hidden meanings have 
been discovered in these side ornaments, no apology is needed 
for their introduction here, however fanciful they may be. Mr. 
Madden, of Versailles, a well-known writer upon all matters of 
palaeotypography, says in one of his letters * that the ornament 
to the left of the 515E is clearly the letter S, while that on the 
opposite side is a C. 

These initials, he feels sure, refer to the words Sancta Colonia, 
the city in which he supposes Caxton to have learned his art. 
Not so, says another critic j S. C. must surely mean the Staple 

* Lettres d'un Bibliographe, Quatrieme Serie. Paris, 1 875. P. 23. 



140 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

of Calais, that great wool-mart of which, like Eelde, Caxton 
was a merchant ; the freedom of which was a privilege he might 
well be proud of, and which would give him certain important 
rights in the importation of books. 

Ah ! says critic No. 3, but Caxton held an important post 
in the city of Bruges, and had to place his official seal on all 
English goods imported or exported, so that, in remembrance 
of this, S. C, or " Sigillum Caxtoni," would be very appropriate 
initials on his trade mark. 

These guesses are more amusing than instructive, and it 
should be remembered that Roman capitals were not used by 
Caxton in any of his works, nor indeed in those of his English 
contemporaries. 

The opinion that the interlacement is only a trade mark is 
much strengthened by the discovery of its original use. In 
1487, Caxton wishing to print a Sarum Missal, and not having 
the types proper for the purpose, sent to Paris, where it was 
printed for him by W. Maynyal, who in the colophon states 
plainly that he printed it at the expense of William Caxton, 
of London. When the printed sheets reached Westminster, 
Caxton wishing to make it quite plain that he was the pub- 
lisher, engraved his design and printed it on the last page, 
which happened to be blank. This is the first occasion on 
which it is known to have been used. The unique copy of 
this Missal is in the possession of Stephen Legh, Esq., M.P., 
and was exhibited at the Caxton celebration in 1877. 

The following list of books in which the device is found 
shows that it was not until the end of Caxton's typographical 
life that he adopted this distinguishing mark. 

Missale ad Usum Sarum 1487 

Speculum vitse Christi circa 1488 

Doctrinal of Sapience 1489 

The History of Reynard the Fox, 2nd edition . . circa 1489 

Directorium Sacerdotum, 2nd edition .... circa 1489 

Eneydos 1490 

The Dictes and Sayings, 3rd edition circa 1490 

The Mirrour of the World, 2nd edition .... circa 1490 



THE MASTER PRINTER. 141 

Divers Ghostly Matters circa 1490 

The Festial, 2nd edition circa 1490 

Four Sermons, 2nd edition circa 1490 

St. Katherine of Senis circa 1491 

The magnum opus of Caxton was undoubtedly the edition of 
"The Golden Legend," 1484. The translation alone of this 
great work must have been no slight task, while, as to number 
of leaves and size of both paper and printed page, it far ex- 
ceeded his edition of "King Arthur," which was the next 
largest. The smallest pieces of his printing now extant are 
" The Advertisement " and the " Indulgences." 

The commercial results of Caxton's trade as a printer are 
unknown ; but as the fees paid at his burial were far above the 
average, and as he evidently held a respectable position in his 
parish, we must conclude that his business was profitable. The 
preservation of the " Cost Book " of the Eipoli press has already 
been noticed, and some extracts of interest translated therefrom. 
We may presume that Caxton also kept exact accounts of his 
trade receipts and expenditure, and if such were extant the 
many doubts which now surround the operations of his printing- 
office would be definitely solved. We should then know the 
price at which he sold his books, how many pence he asked for 
his small quarto " quayers " of poetry, or his pocket editions of 
the " Horse " and " Psalter," how many shillings were required 
to purchase the thick folio volumes, such as " Canterbury 
Tales," " King Arthur," &c. That the price was not much 
dearer than that paid for good editions now, we may infer from 
the rate at which fifteen copies of the " Golden Legend " sold 
between 1496 and 1500. These realised an average price of 
6s. Sd. each, or about £2 13s. ^d. of modern money, a sum by 
no means too great for a large illustrated work. This, however, 
would depend on the number of copies considered necessary for 
an edition, which probably varied according to the nature of 
the work. On a blank leaf in the 1st edition of " Dictes," at 
Althorp, is written, apparently by Bagford, "KB. — Caxton 
printed 44 books, 25 of which were with Dates, and 19 with- 
out." One would imagine that so definite a statement must 



142 



WILLIAM CAXTON. 



have had some foundation, but it appears to rest entirely on the 
writer's bare assertion. Some foreign printers issued so many 
as 275 or 300 copies of editions of the " Classics," but it is not 
probable that Caxton ventured upon so large an impression, as 
the demand for his publications must have been much more 
restricted. 



^U 




APPENDIX TO BIOGRAPHY. 



ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS ILLUSTRATIVE OF THE 
LIFE AND TIMES OF WILLIAM CAXTON. 




APPENDIX. 



MERCERS' RECORDS.— WARDENS' ACCOUNTS. 

(Mercers' Hall, London.) 

F L 1 Volume in the Archives of the Mercers' 
Company, written on parchment by various scribes 
in the 14th and 15 th Centuries, extending from 
1344 to 1464. The contents of the volume include 
— a rent-roll — the oath of householders — of linen 
cloth meters — of liverymen — of brethren — of brokers 
— of apprentices on their entry and issue — of free- 
men — an almanack — and the balance-sheets of the 
whole Company. 

The accounts of the receipts and disbursements of the Company are 
annual, and reckoned by the regnal year of the King. These accounts 
are generally made up under the following heads : — The annual fee of 
every liveryman — fees paid on the entries of apprentices — fees paid on 
the issue of apprentices — fines — quit-rents — general expenses — and foreign 
expenses. The last head comprises all payments made for goods and 
service not included in the legitimate business of the Company. 




Oath taken by Caxton on " issuing" from his apprenticeship. 

Ye shall swere that ye shal be true vnto oure liege lorde the kyng and 
to his heires kynges/ ye shall also be obedient & Redy to come at all leffull 
Sumonns & Warnyng of the Wardenis of the mercery/ whan and as often 
as ye be duly monysshed & warned by them/ or by any of them/ by their 
Bedell/ or by ony other in their name/ leffull excuse alwey except/ All 
Ordynaunces & Rules by the ffeliship of the merceri Ordeyned made and 



146 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

stablished and here after for the wele worship & profitt of the seid feliship 
to be made/ ye shall holde and kepe/ All coicacons necessarij Ordynaunces 
and Cowncels for the welfare of the seid ffeliship and the secrets therof 
to you shewed/ ye shall kepe secrete & holde for councell/ and them ne 
ony of theym to discover or shew by ony meane or collour vnto ony 
persoone or persoones of any other ffeliship. Ye shall also be contributory 
to all charges to you putt by the wardeins & ffeliship to bere & pay yo r 
parte of charge sett for yo r degre like as other of the same ffeliship shall 
do for their degre. Moreou ye shall not departe oute of the seid ffeliship 
for to serve ne ye shall not accompany you w* ony persoone or persoones of 
ony other feliship wherthrough preiudice & hurte may in ony wise growe 
vnto the seid ffeliship of the mercery. And on this ye shall swere that 
during the tyme of your seruyce ye shall neither bey ne sell for yo r owne 
self ne for ony other persone ne that ye shall Receive ony goodes or mar- 
chandise by ony collour belonging vnto ony other p'soon than oonly to yo r 
maist whiche that ye now serue or shall serue w^ne the ffeliship of ye 
mercerie except by his speciall license & will And also that ye shall not 
take ony shop hous ch'mbre seller ne warehous by ony collo r for to ocupie 
byeing and sellyng vnto suche tyme as that ye have ben w* the wardeins of 
the mercery for the tyme beyng and by oon of hem for shopholder amytted 
sworn and entred Ne that ye shall take ne haue ony apprentice or ony se 
for to ocupye vnto that he by you vnto oon the seid Ward, for apprentice 
first presented & by the seid Wardein so amytted All which poynts & eny 
of hem to y r power wele & truly ye shall hold & kepe so help you god &c. 



The oath administered to Caxton tipon taking up his freedom. 

Ye shall swere that ye shal be good and trew vnto o r liege Lord kyng 
of Englond and to his Eyres kyngs/ obeisaunt & obedyent to the Mayor & 
to the minysters of this Cite/ The ffrunchises and Custumes thereof ye 
shal maynteyne and the cite kepe harmles in that that in you is/ ye shall 
be contributary to al mam charges w* in this cite as somons watches 
contribucions taskes tallays lotte and skotte and all other charges bere 
yo r parte as ony other frema shall/ ye shall colo r no foreyns good wherby 
the kyng might lose his custume or his auauntage/ Ye shall know no 
foreyn to bey sell nor merchundise w* another fforeyn within this Cite nor 
the fraunches therof but ye warne the Chaumberlejm therof or some 
mynysters of the chamber/ ye shal emplede no frema out of this Cite while 
ye mow have right & lawe here within/ ye shall take none apprentice but 
if he be fre borne and for no lesse time than for vij j^ers/ within the first 
yere ye shall do hym be enrolled and at the termes end ye shall make hym 
fre if he have wele and truly served you/ ye shall also kepe the peace/ in 
yo r owne persone/ ye shall know no gaderyngs conventicles nor conspiracies 



APPENDIX. 147 

made ayenst the peace but ye warne the Maier thereof & let it to yo r power 
All these poyntes ye shall wele and truly kepe accordyng to all the Lawes & 
Custumes of this Cite to yo r power so help you god and holidame & by 
this Boke/ 

1348. 
The Fellowship in the 22nd year of Edward III numbered 4 Wardens 
and 101 Liverymen, and in this year among those who paid their fees 
appear — 



Richard de Causton 
Michael de Causton 
William de Causton 
Henry de Causton 
Also in the 2nd year of Henry VI. — Stevyn Causton 



Theobald de Causton 
Nichol de Causton 
Roger de Causton 



1401. 

Under the 2nd year of Henry IV, among the " Entrees des Appren- 
tices," is — William Causton/ Appr. de Thos. Gedeney . . . ij s 

1427— 1428. 

Under the 6th year of Henry VI the name of Robert Large appears for 
the first time. 

Cest la compte de John Whatley, Robert Large, Thomas Bataill, et 
John Pidiuyll fait alffeste de Seint John Baptist Ian vj me aps. le con- 
quest en quils ils estoient gardeins de la mistere del mercerie come piert 
apres. 

Under the same year, among " Entrees des Apprentices," — 
Robert Halle 



. Apphtys de Robert Large . . . iiii s 
Randolf Streete ) ** J b J 

1430— 143 1. 

Under the 9th year of Henry VI, among the " Entrees des Appren- 
tices,"— 

Item ress. de Thorns Nyche appnt de Rob* Large . ij s 
Item ress. de Rich Bonifaunt appnt de Rob 1 Large ) 
Item de James heton appnt de dit Rob* . . ) J 

1431— 1442. 

The following item is from the Wardens' Receipts in the 10th year of 
Henry VI— 

Item. Ils soy chargent qilz ount ressu de Thos. Staunton ffrere et 
Attone de Robert Large de monye quil ad ressu outre mere en ptie de 
paiement de les xli prestres a John Wavyn pies gardenis de Ian passe. 



148 



WILLIAM CAXTON. 



1435— 1436. 
Among the Entries of Apprentices in the 14th year of Henry VI — 
It' de Henr. Onkmanton le aprentice de Robert Large ij s 

1437— 1438. 

Among the Issues of Apprentices in the 16th year of Henry VI — 

It' Randolffe Streete lappfitice de Robert Large . . ij s 
Among the entries for the same year — 
It' John large 



It' Willm' Caxston 



les appntices de Robert Large 



in J 



1438— 1439. 

Among the Wardens' Receipts in the 17th year of Henry VI — 

It' lis soy chargeont pour argent ressu p r fynes de dius persones en 
lo r temps p r ces qils fautent de chiuachier ouesqz le mair Robert large. 

In the same account, under " fforein expenses." 

Item paie a xvi trumpetts le xxix i r doctobre Ian xviij me du dit Roy 
Hen vj me pour le chiuachee de Robert large maij v li vi s viij d 

1440— 1441. 

From the Wardens' Receipts in the 19th year of Henry VI — 
It' ils soy chargeont pour argent rescue des Executos Robert large del 
legace du dit Robert xx li 

In the same year, under the Issue of Apprentices — 

It' Thomas Neche qui fuist appntice de Rob* large . . ij s 
In the next year, under the Issue of Apprentices — 

It' Rich Bonefant q fuist appntice de Rob* large . . ij s 



I442—I443- 
Among the Issues of Apprentices in 21 Henry VI — 

Xrofer Heton appntice de Rob* large i 

Among the Entries — 

Richard large appntice de Geffrey Eelding . . . . i; 
Among the Issues of Apprentices in 22 Henry VI — 

John Harrowe appntice de Robert large i 

Among the Issues of Apprentices in 25 Henry VI — 

Richard Caxton s'unt de John Harrowe i 



1448— 1449. 

In Foreign Expenses for the 27th year of Henry VI — 
To Richard Burgh for berynge of a l're our the See vj s 



viij d 



APPENDIX. 149 

1450— 1451. 

Under Foreign Expenses in the 29th year of Henry VI. — 

Item. Paid to John Stubbes for Perys to the Gentilwoman of the 

Duchesse of Burgeyn vj d 

Item paid to He we Wyche for a writ directe to Sandewyche for the 

Gownys of the Gentil womans of the duches of Burgeyn ij s vj d 

1453- 
Lan du grace m cccc liij Et del Roy Herry sizme puis le con- 
queste xxxj e 

Under the heading " Entre en la lyvere pm' An " — 

It' Emond Redeknape vj s viij d 

It m Richaert Burgh vj s viij d 

It m William Caxton vj s viij d 

These names have been erased with the pen, and the following memo- 
randum added beneath — " qz int' debitores in fine copot 9 ." 

In the list of persons fined "qils fautent de chiuachier ouesque le 
mair Geffrey Felding " in the same year are the names of — 

William Caxton iij s iiij d I Thomas Bryce iij s iiij d 
Richard Burgh iij s iiij d | William Pratt iij s iiij d 

1462— 1463. 

Under Foreign Expenses in the 2nd year of Edward IV — 
Item for botehyre for to shewe to ye lords of ye cousell the l're yt 
came from Caxton & ye felaship by yonde ye See vj d 

1464— 1465. 

At the end of the Wardens' Account for the 4th year of Edward IV — 

Dettours. 
Item. Ye ff elaship by yende ye see for yeir patents xlvij li x d 
Among the Foreign Expenses for the same year — 

Item to Jenyne Bakker, Currour, for berying of a letter to Caxton 
ovir ye see xxviij s viij d 

1465. 

[Folio c xlj recto.] Anno xiiij e lxv<=. 

Courte holden of the hole felyshipp the xvij th daye of octobr' the yere 
aboue written 

****** 

A lettre sent ou Welboloued we grete you well certifiyng youe that 
the see. as towchyng the convencion of the lordes that was 

appoynted to begyn at sent Omers the first daye of 
the p'sent moneth of October/ the whiche we trusted 
vppon/ it is so that it holdith not/ Neu the lesse oure souaign lorde the 



150 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

kyng Remembryng that thentrecourse expired the ffirst day of Nouembre 
next comyng/ hath written a letter to the maire of london/ whereof ye 
shall receyue a copye closed in this letter/ And where as the kyng by 
his lettre willeth that suche a p'sone as shulde go in message for the bro- 
gacion of thentrecours shulde be p'vided in suche fourme as ye may con- 
ceyve by the lettre it is thougth here that it is not oure parte here in the 
Citie to take vppon vs a mater of so grete weyght where that all tymes 
here to fore the kyng by thavise of his lords of his Councell have made the 
p'vision in that behalfe and vppon this we have labored to the mayre w* the 
wardens of dius felyshippes aventerers that he will write an aunsware to 
the kyng of his lettre in the most plesunt wise that he can that it will 
pleas his highnes by thavise of his Councell to p'vide for this mater for 
the weall of all his subietts/ wherfore consideryng that the day comyth 
nygh vppon and how that the kyngs wrytyng and his message shalbe 
spedde from hens we are not certen/ wherf or we pray youe for the welle of 
alle the kyngs subietts by thavise of the f elishipp there in as goodly hast as 
ye can labo r for a meane by the whiche yo r p'sones & goods may be in suretie 
for a reasonable tyme/ and in the mene whyle there com wrytyng from the 
kyng to the duke/ or eles from the duke to the kyng if it will so happen 
for p'rogacion of the same/ and suche costs as ye do vppon the suytt we 
will that they be generally levied there in suche man and fourme as ye 
seme most expedient/ written &c. 

John lambert John Warde ) 
a W. Caxton John Baker John Alburgh \ Custoses - 

1466. 

[Folio C xliiij.] 

Courte of adventerers holden the iij th {sic) day of June A xiiij c lxvj. 
ffor a lettre send Hit is accorded by the said f elishipp for by cause of a 
from Caxton lettre send from William Caxton and theryn a Copye of 
Gouerno 1 * a lettre sent to the said William by therle of Warwike 

for thabstinens of bying Wares forboden in the dukes 
londes of Burgoyne by acte of p'lement that a lettre shalbe made and sent 
to the said William by the Custoses and Adventerers whiche is made and 
sent in the fourme following &c. 

A lettre send Right trusty Sir We grete youe well/ lettyng youe 
ou to Caxton witt the daye of makyng of this We receyved a lettre 
gouno r " from you directed to the mayre and vs written at 

Brudgs the xxvij th daye of maye last past and theryn 
closed a copye of a lettre directed to youe from oure good lorde therle of 
Warwik whiche we haue well vnderstonde & conceyved/ and oppened it 
to our felishipp for whiche we desire and praye youe/ in that youe is to 
consider and fulfill thentent made by acte of p'lement and the speciall 
desire of oure forsaid lorde for the publique weall of this lande and that 



APPENDIX. 151 

due inqueraunce be made there in that youe is for the complyshment of 
the same/ as right requyreth/ we willy ng in no kynde the saide acte to be 
broken nor hurte by non of oure felyshipp in that vs is and that the 
p'sones founde quycly yf any suche be as god forbede that ye do correcion 
after th ordenauce there made and thentent of yo r lettre and as for yo r 
desire of aunsware of the lordes intent here as yitt we can not vnderstonde 
their disposicion but as sone as we have knowlege ye shall haue wittyng 
and as for the lettres that ye write ye shulde sent from seint Omers we 
receyued non as yitt and as for any ioperdy that shulde fall ye shall vnder- 
stonde it ther soner than we here/ and if we knowe of any ye shall have 
wrytyng &c. 

Writ at Ion don the iij th day of June/ 

J. Tate/ J. Marshall/ Ed. Betts & 
J. Broun Custoses of the mercery 
& thaventerers of the same. 

a Will m Caxton Guno r de la nac 9 deng s< 
Envoye p' symond preste le iiij tb io r de June. 

146S. 

[Folio xij recto.] Anno xiiij lxviij 0, 
Parsones assiged Courte holden the ix daye of Septembr the yere aboue 
to go in ambas- writte hit was accorded and agreede thot for asmoche 
sate by the kynges as the kyng & his Counsell desyred of the felisshipp 
commaundment. to haue certen p'sones of the same to go ou in Am- 
bassat w* dius Embassatos into fflaunders as for the 
enlargyng of Wollen clothe that theis persones vnderwritten shulde be 
p'sented to the kynges highnes & his Councell/ they to do as shall pleas 
them/ 

William Redeknape 
John Pykcryng 
William Caxton 



[Same Folio and year.] 
Mony assigned 
to the said am- 
bassatos for 

theire Costs. 



Courte holden the xxviij daye of Septebr' the yere 
aboue said 

hit is accorded that William Pedenape and John 
Pykeryng shall haue in honde xl li st'ling towarde 
thoire costs & charges for thambassatt of thenlargyng 
of Wollen clothe in the Duke of Burgun londes whiche shalbe leyde oute 
of the cundith rnony at this tyme receyued vnto the tyme another Courte 
be had for the p' vision of the same by the advise of the Aldermen of oure 
felyshipp. 



152 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

MERCERS' RECORDS.— RENTER WARDEN'S ACCOUNTS. 

(Mercers' Mall, London.) 

A folio Volume on paper, in the Archives of the Mercers' Company, 
written in the 15th Century, being a continuation, on a different plan, of 
the "Wardens' Accounts." 

It appears that about 1463-4 the wealth of the Mercers, especially in 
houses and lands, had so much increased, that it was found convenient, 
out of the four Wardens, to appoint one whose business it should be to 
keep an account of the Company's estate. Accordingly every year a 
" Renter Warden " was chosen ; and from this period the Rent-roll is the 
main feature in the books, the sum total only of the Fees and Expenses of 
the Company appearing under their separate heads. 

1463— 1464. 

Under " Qwyterents." — 3rd Edward IV. 

Item paid to ye Chamberleyn of Westm r for y e pye at S Martyns 
Otewich for iiij t'm s at Est' A° iij c0 xx s 

1464 — 1465. 
4th Edward IV. 

Item to ye m' of S Giles in y e ffeld for tent 8 at S Martyns Oteswich vj s 
viii j d 

Item to y e Chamberleyn of yabbey of Westm 1 " fer ye same xx s 

1467 — 1468. 
7th Edward IV. 

Item paid for Rep'ac s done at S Martyns Oteswich as ap'ith by ye pap' 
of yacopts/ as in tyleng and oy r yings xx s vj d ob 9 ' 

1475- 

A xiiij c Ixxv. Under the head " Discharge by Qwyterents of the 
mercery." 

Paid to the Chambleyn of West' for the pye xx s 

Same year. Under " Qwyterents of Whet' " ( Whittington). 

The Ward 3 of r lady brethered of seint Margaret at Westm r v s 

1477. 

A xiiij c lxxvij. Under " Qwyterents of Whetyngton." 
It' of the Wardeyns of O r lady brethered of Seint Margarets at West- 
minster v s 



APPENDIX. 153 

1484. 
Under " Qwyterents. " 

Itm to the Chawmburleyn of westr for the grehound iiij s vj d 

Under " Other paiements." 
Tor a dener kept at the grehound at the visitacion of 

lyuelod xxvj s viij d 

Itm for wesshyng of a tabyll cloth ij d 

A° xiiij c lxxxiiij Under the same. 

It' of the ward" of o r lady brethered of seint marg'ets at Westemesf for 
their tent 9 in Aldermare v s 

THE WILL OF ROBERT LARGE, 

Citizen of London and Mercer, dated nth April, 1441. The original copy 
is in the book, called " Rouse," formerly deposited in the Prerogative 
Court, Doctors' Commons, and now in the Probate Registry of the High 
Court of Justice. In Latin. 

TRANSLATION. 

3Itt tfie iftame of (£5©<D Smetl. On the eleventh Day of the month 
of April in the Year of our Lord One Thousand CCCC and forty one 
in the nineteenth Year of King Henry the Sixth after the conquest 
I Robert Large Citizen and Mercer of the City of London being in 
perfect health and memory do hereby make execute and ordain my Will 
in this manner First I bequeath and commend my Soul to Almighty 
GOD my Creater and Saviour to the Blessed Virgin Mary His Mother 
and to all the Saints and my body to be buried in the parish Church of 
St. Olave in the Old Jewry London to wit in the same place in which 
the body of Elizabeth my late wife lies buried which my body being 
buried I will and bequeathe first and principally that all and singular my 
debts shall be faithfully and entirely paid in full And afterwards I 
bequeath to the High Altar of the said Church of St. Olave that the 
Vicar of the same shall specially pray for the good of my soul C s Also 
I bequeath for the use of the structure of the same church to be applied 
wherever it shall be most requisite according to the sound discretion of 
the parishioners twenty marcs Also I leave twenty pounds for my 
executors to buy one set of vestments to be chosen according to the 
judgment of the aforesaid parishioners and such set of vestments I will 
to remain in the said church of St. Olave to serve for the glory of GOD 
so long as they shall last Also I bequeath two hundred marcs for the 
purpose of providing a Chaplain fit and honest and well instructed in 
those things which pertain to the holy offices to celebrate mass at the 
altar of the blessed Mary in the said church of St. Olave daily when it 



154 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

shall be appointed or otherwise according to the discretion of my wife 
and to be present at divine service at each hour appointed for prayer to 
officiate to pray and to minister according to the discretion of four 
approved most profitable for the salvation of my soul Also I bequeath 
to Alice my daughter one hundred pounds to be paid to her when she 
shall arrive at the age of twenty-one years to be spent in the purchase of 
furniture and utensils most necessary for her house according to sound 
advice and counsel Also I bequeath to Elizabeth my daughter five 
hundred marcs sterling and I will that the said Elizabeth my daughter 
together with the aforesaid five hundred marcs left by me as above to 
the said Elizabeth my daughter be and remain in the governance of the 
aforesaid Stephen Tychemerssh until the said Elizabeth my daughter 
shall arrive at the age of twenty years or be married he the said Stephen 
finding sufficient security in the chamber of Guildhall in the City of 
London according to the custom and usage of the said City to deliver up 
to the said Elizabeth my daughter the aforesaid five hundred marks 
sterling when the said Elizabeth my daughter shall arrive at the afore- 
said age of twenty years or be married without rendering any other 
interest therefor only and except the reasonable support of the said 
Elizabeth my daughter And if the said Elizabeth my daughter shall 
happen to die unmarried or before the age of twenty years then I will 
that two hundred and fifty marks of the aforesaid five hundred marks 
left by me as above to the said Elizabeth my daughter revert to the said 
Alice my daughter if she shall survive and if she be dead then the said 
two hundred and fifty marks together with the other said two hundred 
and fifty marks remaining be at the disposal of and distributed by my 
executors in pious uses and works of charity for the good of my soul and 
the souls above mentioned in manner as afore is set forth Also I be- 
queath to the common box of the' Mystery of Mercers of the City of 
London for the support of the poor of the said mystery twenty pounds 
Also I bequeath ten pounds to be disposed of according to the discretion 
of my executors in the purchase of a vestment to serve in the Mercers' 
chapel in the church of St. Thomas of Acan London so long as it will 
last Also I bequeath to each convent of the four orders of mendicant 
friars in the City of London to pray for my soul forty shillings Also I 
bequeath to the convent of friars of the order of St. Cross near the Tower 
of London twenty shillings Also I bequeath one hundred shillings for 
the purchase of bedding linen and flannel according to the discretion of 
my executors to serve in the Hospital of St. Bartholomew in West Smith- 
field so long as they will last Also I bequeath one hundred shillings 
wherewith to purchase in like manner bedding for the new hospital 
called St. Mary Spital without the aforesaid thousand pounds left by me 
to him the said Thomas my son be and remain in the safe charge and 
government of the aforesaid Johanna my wife until the said Thomas my 



APPENDIX. 155 

son shall arrive at the age of twenty-four years she the said Johanna my 
wife finding sufficient security in the Guildhall chamber of the city of 
London according to the manner and custom of the said City to deliver 
up to the said Thomas my son the aforesaid thousand pounds when he 
Thomas my son shall arrive at his aforesaid age of twenty-four years 
without rendering any interest therefor only and except the reasonable 
support of my said son Thomas Also I bequeath to Robert my son one 
thousand pounds sterling and I will that the said Robert my son together 
with the aforesaid thousand pounds so left by me as above to the said 
Robert my son be and remain in the safe charge and governance of the 
aforesaid Thomas Staunton my brother until the said Robert my son 
shall arrive at the age of twenty-four years the said Thomas Staunton 
finding sufficient security in the Guildhall chamber of the City of London 
according to the manner and custom of the said City to deliver up to the 
said Robert my son the aforesaid thousand pounds so left by me as afore- 
said when the said Robert my son shall arrive as his aforesaid age of 
twenty-four years without rendering any interest therefor only and 
except the proper support of my said son Robert Also I bequeath 
to Richard my son one thousand pounds sterling and will that the 
said Richard my son together with the said thousand pounds so be- 
queathed by me to him as above shall be and remain in the safe custody 
and governance of the aforesaid Johanna my wife until Richard my said 
son shall arrive at the age of twenty-four years the said Johanna my 
wife finding sufficient security for the said thousand pounds in the same 
way as above specified And in case one or more of my said sons Thomas 
Robert or Richard shall die before reaching the said age of twenty-four 
years then I will and bequeath that the portion or portions of that my 
son or those my sons so dying before the age of twenty-four years shall 
revert to that one or those of my said sons surviving And if all my said 
sons shall die before arriving at the age of twenty-four years then I will 
and bequeath that the said three thousand pounds shall be disposed of 
and distributed by my executors in pious uses and works of charity for 
the good of my own soul and the souls of my parents my wives and my 
children also of my friends and benefactors for the souls of all I hold in 
esteem and of all the faithful departed this life in such way as my execu- 
tors may consider to be better for the pleasing of GOD and among poor 
unmarried men and women desirous of marriage Also I bequeath to the 
parish church of Shakeston where my father lies buried a vestment of the 
value of ten pounds to serve in the same church to the glory of GOD so 
long as it will last Also I bequeath to the parish church of Aldester 
w T here my ancestors are buried a vestment of the value of ten pounds 
Also I leave to the parish church of Overton where some of my relatives 
are buried a vestment of the value of ten pounds Also I bequeath to 
Thomas Nyche my servant I marks Also to Richard Bonyfaunt my 



156 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

apprentice I marks Also I bequeath to Henry Onkmonton my appren- 
tice I pounds Also I bequeath to Robert Dedes my apprentice xx marks 
Also I bequeath to Christopher my apprentice xx pounds Also I be- 
queath to William Caxton my apprentice xx marks Also I bequeath to 
John Gode my servant x pounds Also I bequeath to William Brydde 
my servant x marks Also I bequeath to William my kitchen servant 
xl shillings Also I bequeath to Katherine my servant x marks and to 
Isabella Lynde xl shillings Also I leave to William Sampson my ser- 
vant at my manor of Horham five marks Also I bequeath to Peter my 
servant at the same place xl shillings and to Thomas my servant at the 
same place xxvj shillings and viij pence Also I bequeath to John de 
Ramsey servant of Isabella Boteley x marks on his marriage Also I 
bequeath to Richard Turnat the son of Johanna my wife xx pounds 
Also I bequeath marks to be divided by my executors among the 
children of John Chirch Citizen and Mercer of the City of London 
who shall be living at the age of xxiiij years Also I bequeath to 
Thomas Staunton my brother if he will undertake the charge of exe- 
cuting this my will and will act with good diligence in this office C 
pounds Also I bequeath to Arnulph Strete Mercer on the same con- 
dition C marks and to Stephen Tychemerrsh on the same condition C 
marks Also I leave to Katherine my mother C marks Also I bequeath 
to Johanna my wife by way of gift and instead of her portion of all and 
singular my moveable goods and chattels by law belonging to her four 
thousand marks And in case that she Johanna my wife shall be dis- 
satisfied with this my said legacy then I will that this my legacy to the 
said Johanna do cease and become void in law and that then the said 
Johanna my wife do have of my moveable goods and chattels only that 
portion to which she is entitled by law without any addition or advan- 
tage whatsoever Also I bequeath to Thomas my son one thousand 
pounds sterling and I will that the said Thomas my son together with 
parishioners of the aforesaid church for twenty years next after my 
decease the said chaplain taking for his annual salary ten marks to be 
paid and administered at the hands of nry executors in order that he the 
said Chaplain may specially commend to GOD my soul and also the souls 
of Elizabeth and Johanna my wives Richard Herry my late master and 
the souls of all those whom I esteem and the souls of all the faithful 
departed Also I bequeath to the high altar of St. Margaret in Lothbury 
London C s Also I bequeath xx Pounds to be paid by my executors for 
the purchase of one set of vestments according to the expressed choice 
of the aforesaid parishioners which set of vestments I wish to remain in 
the said Church of Saint Margaret to serve for the worship of GOD so 
long as they shall last Also I leave xx pounds to be disposed of and 
divided by my executors among the more indigent poor men and women 
of the ward of Coleman Street Also four pounds to be divided by my 



APPENDIX. 157 

executors among the Chaplains and Clerks in the Churches of St. Olave 
and St. Margaret aforesaid within two years next after my decease that 
is to say xl s each year in order that the aforesaid Chaplains and Clerks 
may pray for my soul Also I bequeath for the new making and con- 
struction of an aqueduct lately begun in the City of London CCCC marks 
to be paid within four years according to the discretion of my executors 
on condition however that the aforesaid aqueduct be completed within 
four years next after my decease and not otherwise Also I bequeath for 
the work of making and repairing London Bridge C marks to be paid 
within four years according to the discretion of my executors Also I 
bequeath for the cleansing of the Watercourse called Walbrook near the 
church of St. Margaret Lothbury and for the enlargement and upholding 
of the same church to be disposed of according to the wise discretion of 
my executors and four approved parishioners of that Church CC marks 
or more if necessary so that it do not exceed CCC marks Also I bequeath 
C marks to be disposed of according to the wise discretion of my execu- 
tors for the marriage of ten poor girls of good character namely to each 
of these ten girls at her marriage ten marks whether in the country or 
in the City of London Also I bequeath C pounds to be divided by my 
executors among poor domestic servants in the counties of Lancashire 
and Warwickshire that is to say one poor manservant ten shillings and 
to another twenty shillings and to another forty shillings as occasion 
may require so long as the said C pounds may suffice Also I bequeath 
xx pounds to be distributed by my executors where it may be most 
needed Bishopsgate London so long as it will last. Also I leave five 
marks wherewith in like manner to purchase bedding for the hospital of 
the Blessed Saint Mary of Bethlehem without Bishopsgate aforesaid. 
Also I bequeath forty shillings wherewith in like manner to purchase 
bedding for the hospital of St. Thomas of Southwark near London. Also 
I bequeath six pounds wherewith in like manner to purchase bedding 
for the Lepershouses at Hakeney les lokes without the barriers of St 
George Southwark and of St Egidius beyond Holborn London namely 
to each of the said houses forty shillings Also I bequeath one hundred 
shillings wherewith to provide and purchase food and other things most 
necessary for the poor prisoners in Newgate London to be distributed 
according to the sound discretion of my executors Also I bequeath one 
hundred shillings to be distributed in like manner among the prisoners in 
Ludgate London Also I bequeath for repairs in the nave of the church 
of Thakstede five marks Also I bequeath for repairs in the body of 
the church of Chawrey in the county of Essex forty shillings Also 
I bequeath to Richard Eoliet mercer twenty marks Also I bequeath to 
William Halle mercer lately my servant twenty pounds Also I bequeath 
to Agnes lately my servant forty shillings Also I bequeath to each of 
my two said daughters Alice and Elizabeth three cups with covers from 



158 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

among my cups called standing cups of silver-gilt whichever of such 
cups with the covers shall weigh twenty-four ounces and * * * * 

[one leaf of the original is here missing] 

the s d Richard Turnat dying without male heirs lawfully begotten, then 
I will that all the above lands and tenements with their appurtenances 
shall revert to the male heirs of my before -mentioned son Robert Large. 
Provided nevertheless that if the s d Richard Turnat shall take possession 
of all the aforesaid lands and tenements in Newton that then he shall be 
excluded entirely from the manor of Horham in the county of Essex with 
the lands and tenements and appurtenances belonging thereto. 

Then follows the Probate, dated May 6th, 1441, and proved before 
Zanobio Mulakyn, Dean of the Church of St. Mary-le-Bow, London. 



BRUGES RECORDS.— JUDGMENTS. 

(The Archives, Bruges.) 

The following document is found in one of the many volumes of 
Records preserved in the Archives of the City of Bruges. Like the other 
volumes of this interesting series it is in manuscript coeval with the history 
it elucidates. The title at the beginning of the book is as follows : — 

" Registre van alle zaken ghehandelt by Scepen van Brugghe, in huerl. 
camere daer zy daghelicx vergaderen. Beghint in Septembre in 'tjaer 
dunst vierhondert xlvij." ; or, "A register of all matters brought under 
the notice of the Councillors of Bruges, in their daily session assembled. 
Begun in the month of September, in the year one thousand four hundred 
xlvij." 

(Tkanslation.) 

To all who see or hear these Presents — the Burgomasters, Sheriffs, 
and Council of the Town of Bruges send greeting. Be it known that 
William Craes, an English Merchant, Complainant, of the one part, and 
John Selle and William Caxton, English Merchants also, Defendants, of 
the other part, have this day appealed for justice before Roland de Vos 
and Guerard le Groote our Eellows, Sheriffs. The said Complainant says, 
that John Granton, Merchant, of the Staple at Calais, was bound and 
indebted to him in certain sums of money ; that is to say, firstly in ^60 
sterling for and because of a certain obligation, and further, in the sum of 
£$0 sterling on account of a certain exchange which had taken place 
between them, as well as for expenses and costs incurred in that matter, 
amounting on the whole to £ 1 10 sterling. For this sum he had caused 
the said John Granton to be arrested in the Town of Bruges, and that the 
said John being arrested, the said John Selle and William Caxton became 
sureties for him, in equity and law. 



APPENDIX. 159 

And because the said John had departed the Town of Bruges without 
having paid and satisfied him, or appealed for justice, he demanded that 
the said Defendants should be compelled and adjudged, as Sureties of the 
said John, to pay the said claim. 

The said Defendants, in answer, acknowledged that in the manner 
aforesaid they had become Sureties to the said William Craes for the 
said John Granton, but submitted that the said John was quite solvent, 
rich enough, and would certainly pay the amount ; requiring therefore 
that the said Complainant might seek his debt of the said John, who was 
the real debtor, and that they might be discharged from their said surety- 
ship : disputing also the sum demanded by the Defendant on account of 
the said exchange, for certain reasons thereupon alleged ; the aforesaid 
Plaintiff holding the validity of the said suretyship, and demanding as 
aforesaid ; together with many other reasons submitted by the said par- 
ties. And after hearing the said parties on the said questions, with their 
arguments, as well as certain Merchants, that the said dispute had been 
determined by our Fellows, Sheriffs, who had adjudged and decided : That 
the said Defendants should, as the Sureties of the said John Granton, pay 
and satisfy the said William Craes, firstly in the said sum of £60, of which 
the said obligation made mention, and furthermore in the sum of ^35 
sterling on account of the said exchange and costs. And that, upon the 
surrender of the said obligation, good and sufficient security amounting 
to the two said sums of £60 and ^35 sterling should be given ; that in 
case at some future time the said John Granton should deny the debt of 
the said sums, or allege payment, that then, on the other hand, the said 
Plaintiff should be sentenced to render and repay the said two sums and 
more. Right of action being reserved to the said Defendants against the 
said John Granton, the original debtor, as law and equity direct. 

In witness whereof, &c, 2 January (1449). 



BRUGES RECORDS.— TOWN REGISTERS. 
{The Archives, Bruges.) 

A Register written on paper in the fifteenth century, and containing 
Civil Judgments, given in the Town of Bruges during the years 1465-9. 

(Translation.) 

Whereas Daniel, son of Adrien, called Sheriff Daniel, Plaintiff of the 

one part, and Jeroneme Vento, for and in the name of Jaques Dorie,* 

Merchant of Genoa, Defendant of the other part, have promised and 

agreed to leave all the differences between them to the judgment and 

* Perhaps one of the celebrated Doria family of Genoa. 



160 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

arbitration of William Caxton, Merchant of England, and Master and 
Governor of the English Nation in these parts ; and of Thomas Perrot, 
as Arbitrators, and amicable Umpires and common friends, the said 
parties, and each of them, promising well and legally to abide by, observe 
and perform all that the said Arbitrators shall decide and adjudicate on 
the said differences, without opposition of any kind. And that the said 
Arbitrators having heard the pleas of the said parties, and formed thereon 
their sentence and judgment which they have reported to the full chamber 
of the Sheriffs of Bruges, it has been notified to the said parties, that, 
because the said William Caxton was unavoidably absent from the said 
City of Bruges, the said parties have been summoned before the said full 
chamber of the Sheriffs of Bruges, and have appeared. To whom has 
been signified the arbitration and judgment by the said Arbitrators, which 
was and is as follows ; that is to say — That the said Jeroneme Vento, for 
and in the name of the said Jaques Dorie, shall pay to the said Scepheer 
Daniel promptly and in current money the sum of £4. gross ; and that the 
said Jeroneme above-named shall advance to the said Sheriff Daniel 
another £4. gross, the said Scepheer Daniel, however, giving good surety 
to the said Jeroneme that he will repay the said sum of £4. gross which he 
had advanced, within the first four voyages, in whatever country it may 
be, that Sheriff Daniel may make with his vessel, that is to say, on each 
voyage^" 1 gross. Provided always, that in case the said Daniel shall not 
make a voyage with his said ship within the next six months, and that the 
said Daniel, or his sureties, shall be bound to pay and restore to the said 
Jeroneme Vento (without the said Jeroneme agree to a postponement) the 
other payments above-named. The observance of which judgment and 
arbitration by the said parties, and each of them, has been decreed in the 
said full chamber of Sheriffs of Bruges. 
Done the 12th of May, 1469. 



ISSUE ROLL OE THE EXCHEQUER. 

Under the date of "Easter. 19 Edward IV, 15th June," is the fol- 
lowing : — 

To William Caxton. In money paid to his own hands in discharge 
of 20 I. for the Lord the King commanded to be paid to the same William 
for certain causes and matters performed by him for the said Lord the 
King. 

By writ of privy seal amongst the mandates of this term. 20 I. 



APPENDIX. 161 



ST. MARGARET'S RECORDS.— CHURCHWARDENS' 
ACCOUNTS. 

(In the Vestry of St. Margaret's Church, Westminster.) 

A Volume of biennial Accounts of the Churchwardens, audited by the 
chief Parishioners. Each Account is written on a quire of parchment, 
complete in itself : they vary considerably in size, but have been carefully 
bound in one Volume, and are in beautiful condition. The period included 
in this Volume is 1464 to 1503. The contents consist of — Receipts of 
Fees for Burials, Obits, &c. — Rents — Legacies and Gifts — Payments for 
Repairs — Salaries — Pew-rents — Collections — and other items. 

1474- 

" Comp'us Thome Frampton & Willi Stafford custod' bonor 9 & orna- 
mentorS ecclie p'ochiaP see margarete Westm' videl't a xvij die Maij 
A regis Edwardi quarti post conq'm Angl' quarto vsqu' xxij diem 
eiusdem " * * * 

In the List of Fees for Burial is — 

" It m rec d de Oliver Cawston die sepult' p' iiij tapr' viij d " 

Among the Miscellaneous Receipts for 1476 — 

" It m of a rewarde for a boke & a Chales lent to Sir 

Ric' Wideuyle xx d " 

1478. 

" Here folowith Thaccompt of John Wycam and of Nicholas Wolles- 
croft Wardeins of the parisshe Churche of seynt margarete of Westm' 
* * from the vij th day of the moneth of may in the yere of our 
lord god M e CCCC lxxviij * * * vnto the xviij th day of may in 
the yere of our lord god Mi CCCC lxxx " * * * 

In the List of Fees for Burial in the first year — 

" It m the day of burying of William Caxton for ij torchis 

and iiij tapirs at a lowe masse xx d " 

The amount paid does not appear large ; but in a very long list of 
burial fees there are only four equal in amount, the common rate of fees 
being ij d, iiij d, or vj d. 

1480. 

The same Account. In the List of Fees for Burial in the second year — 
" It m the day of bureying of Jone large for ij tapers iiij d " 

1481. 

The Audit at the end of the same Account is as follows : — 
"The whiche some of xxiij li. xs vd ob. q a the forsaide wardeyns 

L 



162 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

haue paid and delyued in the fulle Audite vnto william Garard and 
William Hachet their Successours togeder w* the tresoures of and in the 
chirche aforeseid to them delyued in the begynnyng of this accompte 
* * in the presence of John Randolf squyer Richard Vmfrey gen- 
tilman Thomas Burgeys John Kendall notary William Caxton * * 
with other paryshyns " * * 

1490-92. 

In this Account among the Burial Fees for the first year — 
" Item atte Bureyng of Mawde Caxston for torches and tapres 

iij s ijd " 
In the second year — 

" Item atte Bureying of William Caxton for iiij torches vj s viij d " 

" Item for the belle atte same bureyng vj d " 

Here we remark again that in both these cases the fees paid are con- 
siderably larger than usual. 

In the Accounts for 1496-8 among the Legacies, and their produce — 
" It m receyued by the handes of William Ryolle for oone 

of thoo printed bokes that were bequothen to the 

Churche behove by William Caxston vj s viijd " 

"It m receyued by the handes of the said William for a 

nother of the same printed Bokes called a legend vj s iiij d " 

" It m by the hands of the parisshe prest for a nother of the 

same legendes vj s viij d " 

At the end of the Account — 

" Memorand' there remayneth in store to the said Chirch " 
"It m in bokes called legendes of the bequest of William 

Caxton xiij " 

Among the Payments at the end of the same Account — 
" It m paide for a supper gevyn vnto the Auditours herynge 

and determenyng this accompt and to the newe Chirch- 

wardeyns as it hath ben vsed and accustumed here 

tofore xx s " 

In the Accounts for 1498- 1500 — 

"The Receites of Bookes called Legendes in the first yere of this 
accompte " — 

" Fyrst Receyued of John Crosse for a prainted legende v s viij d " 

" Item Receiued for a nother legende sold in Westmynster 

halle v s viij d " 

" Item Receiued of Willm geyfe for a nother of the same 

legendes v s viij d " 

" It m receiued of the said Willm Geyfe for a nother Legende v s viij d " 
" Item R of Walter Marten for a nother legende v s xj d " 



APPENDIX. 163 

In the second year of the same account — 

" Item R. of William Geiffe for ij legendes printed x s iiij d " 

" It™ R of Daniell aforge for a printed legende v s x d " 

" Item R of William Geiffe for a printed legende v s " 

" Memorand' ther remayneth in store to the saide chirch " * * * 
"It m in bokes called Legendes of the bequest of William Caxton iij " 
In the Accounts for 1500-2 there are not entered any sales of 
Legendes." 

"Ther remayneth in store to the saide chirche." * * * 
"Item a prynted legende booke of the bequeste of Will'm Caxton." 



ST. MARGARET'S RECORDS. 
GUILD OF OUR LADY ; WARDENS' ACCOUNTS. 

{In the Vestry of St. Margaret's Church, Westminster.) 

A Volume of triennial Accounts of the Fraternity of our Blessed Lady 
Assumption, beautifully written on vellum, and in excellent preservation. 
It includes the period between 1474 and 1522, and is of very great interest 
in illustrating the customs of that period. The earlier as well as the later 
Volumes are not known to exist. The following are the principal headings 
of the various Accounts :— Arrears of Members — Rents received — Bequests 
and Gifts — Receipts for Obits of Members — Fees of new Members — Rents 
paid — Payments of Salaries — Wages — • Annuities to Almsmen and Women 
— House-repairs — Wax Candles, and other expenses, for the Shrine of our 
Lady in St. Margaret's Church — and Miscellaneous expenses. 

(24th June, 1474, to 24th June, 1477.) 

The first Account is headed — 

" This is thaccompte of maister William Thirleby henry marble gentilman 
and James Fytt maistres or Wardeyns chosen of the Frat'hte or gylde of 
oure blessed lady seint mary the virgyn w^n the p'issh chirch of seint 
margaret of the towne of Westm in the shire of midd' founded, that is to 
say from the fest of Natiuite of seint John Baptist in the yere of y" reigne 
of kyng Edward the iiij th after the conquest xiiij vnto the said fest of the 
Natiuite of seint John the xvij tb yere of the reigne of the same kyng by 
three hole yeres as it p'ticulerly appiereth in p'cellez here folowyng that is 
to wete." 

Under Payments of Rent in the same Account — 

" Also the said late maistres charge themsilf w l a certeyn quite rent due 
by John Randolff of london mercer for a licence of Fre entre of comyng 



1 64 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

in and going out for his terintes thurgh the gate and an Alley called our 
lady Alley in the kynges Strete of the towne of westm r ." 

In the same Account, under " thentre of diQ.es p'sones of new to the said 
frat'nite " is " John Caxston vj s viij d." 

Also among the Payments — 

" Diuers payments by the said late maisters for the said Fraternite 
* * * of the which thay axe to be allowed in this accompt." 

" Of the money by them paid to the wardeins of the Craft of mercery of 
london for certain quite rent going out of the ten't in the p'isshe of 
Aldermarie Chirche of london at v s by the yere." 

The Fraternity appear also to have held tenements in King Street, 
Westminster, at Kensington, and at Stroud. 

In the same Account, after the payment of six priests' salaries — 

" Costes and p'celles allowed by the hole Brotherhode toward thexpences 

of the geiiall fest in iij de yere of this accompt." 

These "Costs and Parcels" occupy two full folio pages, and have 

yielded the following items : — 

" A tonn of wyne vj li " 

" Paide to John Drayton chief cok for his reward xxv s " 

' ' Also for the hire of xxiii j doseyn of erthen pottes for ale 

& wyne iiij s " 

" Also for erthen potts broken & wasted at the same fest vij s viij d " 

" Also to iiij players for their labour xij s xd " 

" Also to iij mynstrelles 

" Also for the mete of diues of strangers 

" Also for russhes 

" Also for vj doseyn of white cuppes 

****** 

" Also for portage and botehyre of the Turbut iiij d " 

" Also for ix Turbutts xv s i j d " 

In addition to scores of "Capons, chekyns, gese, conyes, and peiones," 
(pigeons), the chief "cok " provided them with " swannys " and " herons," 
with all sorts of fish, including oysters and " see pranys," or prawns, with 
all kinds of meats and game, with jellies in " ix dosen gely disshes," and 
with abundance of fruits. The quantity of ale, wine, and ypocras provided 
by the butler is marvellous, and one cannot wonder at the heavy entries for 
" pottes and cuppes broken, and wasted." The Cook seems to have been 
paid much more liberally than the Wardens, who had but xxx s between 
them "for their dilligence." 

In the Accounts for 1490-3 are the Receipts of Pent from tenements, 
known as "The Maidenhead," " The Sonne," "The Pose," and "The 
Wolstaple." 



ix s xd" 


xvj s " 


ij s iiij d " 


ij s " 



APPENDIX. 165 

Also, under payment of Rent — 

" For a certayn Quit rent paid out of a litell tent in the wolstaple to the 
mair of the staple at xxd by the yere." 

" Also for a certain Quit rent paid out of the Rents in 

Alderm'ay p'isshe to John More Renter of the Mercers xv s ,; 



From " Rymer's Foedera." Folio. London. 1710. Vol. XI. 536. 

(Translation.) 

CONCERNING THE TREATY OF BURGUNDY. 

The King to all whom it may concern, &c. Greeting. 
Be it known that 

Inasmuch as determinate arrangements concerning the intercourse of 
merchandise between our subjects and the subjects of our well-beloved 
Cousin the Duke of Burgundy have in a sure form and manner been 
accorded and agreed to in times past and since that time often renewed, 
We, 

Wishing on our part to hold good and observe such arrangements, 
and being well assured of the faithfulness and discretion of our well- 
beloved subjects Richard Whetehill, Knight, and William Caxton, 

Do make, ordain and constitute, by these presents, the said Richard and 
William our true and accredited Ambassadors, Agents, Nuncios, and 
several Deputies ; 

Giving and Granting to our said Ambassadors, Agents, Nuncios, and 
Deputies, and to either of them, full power and authority and general as 
well as special commandment to meet, to enter into treaty and to com- 
municate with our aforesaid Cousin or his Ambassadors, Agents, Nuncios, 
and Deputies delegated with sufficient powers for this purpose by our 
said Cousin, concerning and upon the continuation and renewal of the 
aforesaid Intercourse, and, should occasion require, to make and conclude 
new arrangements, 

And to do and exercise all and singular other deeds which may be fit 
or necessary. 

Promising, in good faith and on our kingly word, always to hold as 
ratified, acceptable, and binding, all and any the Acts and Deeds of our 
said Ambassadors, Agents, Nuncios, and Deputies, or either of them, as 
aforesaid, which may be done, performed, or done by procuration, in the 
foregoing matters, or any portion thereof. 

As witness our hand at Wycombe, this 20th day of October (1464). 



166 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

A SHEET OF PAPER IN THE NATIONAL RECORD OFFICE. 

The manuscript is — 

" To tharchedeacon of Westm' that nowe is and for the tyme shalbe. 
We, Richard FitzJames, Almoner and Counsaillor unto oure souverain 
lord the King, and Richard Hatton, chaplayne and counsaillor vnto our 
said souverain lord, greting in our Lord God euerlasting. And whereas 
we, the said Richard and Richard, were appoynted, lymytted and assigned 
by our said souverain lord and the lordes of his most noble counsaill to 
examine, determyne and pacifie a certain variaunce depending betwene 
Gerard Croppe of Westminster, taillour, of the oone partie, and Eliza- 
beth, the doughter of William Caxton, wif to the said Gerard, of the othre 
partie ; We, the vij th daie of May, the xj th yere of our said souverain 
lord, had the said parties before us in the Kinges Chapell within his 
palois of Westminster at this appoyntement and conclusion by theire both 
assentes and aggrementes : — That noon of theim, ne any othre for theim, 
shall fromhensforth vexe, sue or trouble othre for any maner matier or 
cause theim concernying for matrimony betwix theim before had ; and 
every of theim to lyve sole from othre, except that the said Gerard shall 
mowe fynde the meanes to have the love and favour of the seid Elizabeth. 
For thaccomplisshment of which aggrement eithre of theim of their owne 
voluntarie willes bound theim self unto us by their faithes and trouthes, 
and never to varie from their said promyses. And therupon the said 
Gerard to have of the bequest of William Caxton, the fadre of the said 
Elizabeth, xx li prynted legendes at xiij s iiij d a legend. And the said 
Gerard to delyver a generall acquitaunce unto thexecutours of William 
Caxton, her said fadre, for their discharge in that behalf. And besides 
thies premisses both the said parties were aggreed before us to be bound, 
eche to othre, in C.li. by their dedes obligatorie with the condicions above 
wreten to performe alle the premisses. In wittenesse whereof I, the said 
Richard FitzJames,' have to thies preseutes sette the seale of myn office. 
And I, the said Richard Hatton, have setto my seal, and eithre of us 
subscribed our names with oure owne handes, the xx tl daie of May the xj th 
yere of the reigne of our said souverain Lord." 



A 

DESCRIPTION OF BOOKS PRINTED 

IN 

TYPE No. i. 



EXPLANATION OF TERMS. 

5n ; or Quinternion, means a section of five sheets folded together in half 

= io leaves = 20 pages. 
411, or Quaternion = 8 leaves= 16 pages. (See p. 132). 
3n, or Teenion = 6 leaves = 12 pages. 
Recto is the right-hand page of an open book. 
Verso is the reverse, or the left-hand page. 
A Director is the name given to the small letter placed where the 

Illuminator was intended to paint in a large initial. 



LIST OF BOOKS IN TYPE No. 1. 



1. The Recuyell of the Histories of Troye . . . 1474? 

2. Le Recueil des Histoires de Troyes . . . H76? 

3. The Game and Play of the Chess Moralised . . 1475-76 ? 

4. Les fais et prouesses du noble et vaillant Chevalier Jason . 147- ? 

5. Meditacions sur les Sept Pseaulmes penitenciaulx . 1478 ? 



BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE No. i. 



No. i. — The Recuyell of the Histories of Troy. Translated 
1469-71. Folio. Without Place or Date. (1474?). 

Collation. — Book I has fourteen 5 ns and one 4 n = 148 leaves, 
of which the first is blank. Book II has nine 5™, one 4 11 , and 
one 3 n = 104 leaves. Book III has ten 5 ns =100 leaves. Total 
351 printed leaves and one blank. 

Typographical Particulars. — Type No. 1 only. Lines of 
very uneven length ; full lines measure 5 inches, but vary in 
different parts from 4| to 5^ inches. 31 lines to a full page. 
Without signatures, catchwords, or numerals. Space is left, 
with a director, for 3 to 7-line initials. As may be seen by the 
collation, each book begins a fresh gathering, probably for the 
convenience of binding in three separate volumes. 

Commencing the work with a blank leaf, Caxton's preface 
follows, printed in red ink, and occupying the second recto. 

The Text begins thus : — 

(£re fieggnnetj) tfje bolume intitule* atttr name* 
f) tije recugell of tije fjistorges of Croge/ composed 

an* *ratoen out of *guerce fcoofces of latgn in 
to frenssfje fig tfje rggjt benerafcle persone an* toor=^ 
sijipfull man ♦ IRaoul le ffeure . preest an* cfjapelagn 
bnto tfje rggfjt nofcle glorgous an* mggfjtp prgnce in 
f)ts tgme ^fjeitp *uc of ISourgogne of ISrafcan* &c 
%n tfje gere of tfje ^ncarnacton of our lor* go* a tfjou^ 
san* foure fjon*er* siitg an* foure / &n* translate* 
an* *ratoen out of frensfje in to engltsjsfje &g ^atllgam 
(£axton mercer of £ c cgte of Hon*on / at tfje comau*emet 



170 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

of tf)e rtgfjt f)ge mggfjtg an* bertuouse ^rgncesse J)ps 
re*ouf)ti)* la*g . Jftargarete fig t^e grace of go* , Bu~ 
ttymt of $5ourgogne of Hotrnfc of 3Srafoan* &c/ 
OTif)td)e sag* translation an* toerfce toas iegonne tn 
ISrugts in tjje OTountee of dFlaun*res tfje fgrst *ag of 
marcjje tje gere of tje gnrarnacton of our sat* lor* go* 
a tfjousan* foure i)on*er* stitg an* eggf)te / &n* en*e* 
an* fgngssfjt* tn t^e fjolp cgte of GTolen tfje . xix ♦ *ag of 
septemfore tfje gere of our sag* ior* go* a tfjousan* 
foure J)on*er* stitg an* eleuen &<:♦ 

&n* on tfjat otfjer st*e of tfjts leef foiotoetf) tje prologe 

Caxton's Prologue begins on the verso of the same leaf, with 
space for a 4-line initial W. 

?$an S rememto tfjat euerg man is fioun*en 

The first book commences on the fifth recto, with space for a 
7-line initial W. The second begins on the 149th, and the 
third on the 253rd recto, the whole ending with some Latin 
rhymes on the 352nd recto, the verso being blank. 

Remarks. — No one speaking the English language can look 
at this patriarchal volume with indifference. Here, for the first 
time, our forefathers saw their language in print ; and, could 
our interest in any way have been heightened, it would have 
been by knowing it to have been printed in our own instead of 
a foreign land. The history of its origin is shortly this. In 
the original French it was a favourite novel of the English and 
Burgundian courtiers, for, although nominally an account of 
the Trojan wars, it is really a series of love-scenes mixed with 
mythology and knight-errantry. The manuscript translation 
made by Caxton for the Duchess of Burgundy, whose court 
was at Bruges, having excited great interest, a demand arose 
for copies quicker than Caxton could supply them. The print- 
ing-press having been just established in that city by Colard 
Mansion, Caxton, whose thoughts were now homewards, deter- 
mined to use it as a means of multiplying his translation, and 
of learning at the same time a new trade which would support 



BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. I. 171 

him on his return to England. This he did at a great charge 
and expense, and then, having procured a new fount of types 
and all the necessary material, came over to England and erected 
his press at Westminster. 

Fortunately this work cannot be reckoned among the rarities 
of Caxton's press, as there are copies in the British Museum, 
Sion College, College of Physicians, London, at Oxford, Cam- 
bridge, Paris, and fourteen other libraries. The Duke of Devon- 
shire gave ^1060 1 os. for a copy in 18 12, the same copy having 
been purchased by the Duke of Eoxburgh a few years previously 
for ^50. 

No. 2. — Le Kecueil des Histoires be Troyes. Compose en 
Van de grace 1464. Folio. Without Printer 's Name, 
Place, or Date. (1476 ?) 

Collation. — Book I, twelve 5 ns z=i2o leaves, of which the 
first and last are blank. Book II, eight 5 113 and one 3°= 86 
leaves. Book III, eight 5 ns =8o leaves. Total, 284 printed 
and two blank leaves. 

Typographical Particulars. — Type No. 1 only is used. 
The lines for the greater part are spaced out to one length, 
being more even in this particular than the two English books 
in this type. A full page has 31 lines, without signatures, 
numerals, headlines, or catchwords. A space two to four lines 
in depth has been left at the commencement of each chapter 
for the insertion of an illuminated initial, a director being 
sometimes inserted. 

The Text, 31 lines to a page, which is divided into three 
books, begins thus on the second recto, after a blank leaf : — 

4£g commence le bolume intitule le recuetl ties fjtstotres 
tie tropes Compose par benerafile Ijomme raoul le feure 
prestre cfjappellam tie mon trestioufcte seigneur Monm- 
gneur le But ^fjeltppe tie fcourgoingne (£n Ian tie grace, 
mtl.cccc .liiiii. : . 

and ends on the 286th verso. 

anttptjo 9 le rog estort 9 le rog protfjenor et le rog olitome 9 . 
♦ : • (Explicit * : * 



172 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

Eemarks. — The history of the Trojan War, a favourite 
subject for several centuries with European writers, was the 
foundation of numerous romances. Of these the chief were 
the apocryphal history by Dares Phrygius, a Trojan priest, 
celebrated by Homer ; the account of the same war by Dictys 
Cretensis, a supposititious historian; and the History of the 
Siege of Troy by Guido of Colonna, a native of Messina in 
Sicily, who wrote in the thirteenth century. The rise of these 
histories, their growth under the editorial care of successive 
scribes, the incorporation of incidents from other romances, and 
their final development in the compilation of "Le Eecueil des 
Histoires de Troye," form a curious and typical example of this 
class of literature. According to the unanimous testimony of 
all printed editions and all manuscripts of the complete work, 
"Le Eecueil" was the composition of Eaoul Lefevre, chaplain 
and secretary to Philippe le Bon, Duke of Burgundy : but in a 
manuscript copy of this work in the National Library, Paris, 
the first two books are attributed to Guillaume Fillastre. And 
this is remarkable — that Lefevre succeeded Pillastre (who was 
a voluminous author) in the office of secretary to the duke. 
Probably, finding his predecessor's history unfinished, he took 
it up, and, after adding Book III, issued the whole under his 
own name. In that age a similar course was by no means 
uncommon, nor was it an infringement of any recognised 
literary right ; we can hardly, therefore, with M. Paris, call it 
(even if true) "une grande fraude literaire." On the other 
hand, several copies were issued with the name of Lefevre 
while Fillastre was yet living, and Caxton, who was contem- 
porary with both writers, ascribes the whole work to Lefevre. 
Nor is there any noticeable variation in style between the two 
portions, as might be expected if composed by two authors ; 
indeed the style of " Le Eecueil " is the same as that of " Les 
fais du Jason," an acknowledged work of Lefevre. 

Steevens asserts that Shakspere derived the greater portion 
of his materials for the play of " Troilus and Cressida " from 
Lydgate's metrical composition, " The last Destruction of Troy;" 
but Douce, in his " Illustrations," is far nearer the truth in 
tracing the incidents employed by our great poet to Caxton's 



BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. i. 173 

translation of " Le Recueil des Histoires de Troye." The latter 
was popular, and frequently reprinted in the 16th and 17th 
centuries, long after Lydgate's laboured metre had become anti- 
quated. 

There is a perfect copy in the British Museum, besides a 
large fragment. The National Library, Paris, has a copy, and 
four others are in private libraries. A fragment of eight leaves 
was purchased some years ago by a bookseller, and made into 
four thick volumes, each volume having two printed leaves 
with a hundred blank leaves on each side. These were all 
disposed of as specimens to lie open in the show-cases of 
museums. 

No. 3. — The Game and Play of the Chess Moralised. 
(Translated 1475.) First Edition. Folio. Without 
Printer's Name, Place, or Date. (1475-76?) 

Collation. — Eight 4 ns and one 5"= 74 leaves, of which the 
1st and 74th are blank. 

Typographical Particulars. — Only one type, No. 1, is 
used throughout the work. The lines are not spaced out ; 
the longest measure 5 inches ; a full page has 3 1 lines. With- 
out title-page, signatures, numerals, or catchwords. 

The volume commences with a blank leaf, and on the second 
recto is Caxton's prologue, space being left for a 2-line initial, 
without director. 

The Text begins thus : — 

<& tfje ttgf)t nofcle/ rtgfjt excellent to bertuous grincc 
George touc of OTiarence <£ri of SMartogfe ant of 
saltsfiurge/ gtete cfjamfcerlagn of (fcnglonto & leutenant 
of gteionto oldest fctotoet of fcgnge (Stotoatto fig tjje grace 
of goto fegnge of <£nglanto anto of frauce / pour most 
fjumtle seruant totiltam (taton amonge otfjer of gout 
seruantes senses unto goto peas . fjeltfje . $ oge anto btcto- 
rge bgon gout <£nemges / l£tgf)t fjtgfje pugssant anto 

The Text ends on the 73rd recto, 

Into sentoe goto tfjaccomglissfjement of pour f)ge nofile . 



174 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

SJogotts an* bettuous touts Emen :/: dFsngggfu* tfje 
last *ag of marcfje tjje set xif out lot* go* ♦ a . tfjousan* 
foute |)on*et* an* hxiiii. \ : . : . \ 

The 74th leaf is blank. 

Eemarks. — " Fynysshid the last day of Marche the yer of 
oure lord god a thousand foure honderd and lxxiiii." The word 
"fynysshed" has doubtless the same signification here as in 
the epilogue to the second book of Caxton's translation of the 
Histories of Troy, "begonne in Brugis, contynued in Gaunt, 
and finysshed in Coleyn," which evidently refers to the trans- 
lation only. The date, 1475-76, has been affixed, because in 
the Low Countries at that time the year commenced on Easter- 
day; this in 1474 fell on April 10th, thus giving, as the day 
of the conclusion of the translation, 31st March, 1475, ^ ne 
same year being the earliest possible period of its appearance 
as a printed book. 

The literary history of the " Game and Play of the Chess " 
does not appear to have hitherto received that attention which 
is its due. Before 1285, ^Egidius Colonna had composed his 
renowned work entitled " De regimine principum," which treats 
of self-government, domestic government, and national govern- 
ment. The " Liber de ludo Scachorum " of J. de Cessolis 
appears to have been based upon this work, its chief originality 
being the representation of the several stations and duties of 
life by the pieces used in chess. About the middle of the 
fifteenth century two distinct French versions were made. The 
earlier was probably that by Jean Faron, in 1347, who trans- 
lated it literally from the original Latin. About the same time 
appeared the favourite and standard work of Jehan de Vignay, 
who took great liberties with the text, and added many stories 
and fables. Both these men were of the order of Preaching 
Friars, and seem to have worked quite independently of one 
another. Caxton's edition was principally from the version of 
Jehan de Vignay, to whom he gives the title of "an excellent 
Doctor of Divinity, of the Order of the Hospital of St. John's 
of Jerusalem," which is remarkable, as in his preface Jean de 
Vignay styles himself "hospitaller de l'ordre de haut pas," and 



BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. i. 



175 



he is so termed in all the manuscripts. On comparing the 
English and the two French versions, it is evident that Caxton 
must have been well acquainted with both. His prologue 
addressed to the Duke of Clarence contains, nominis mutatis, 
the whole of Jean de Vignay's dedication to Prince John of 
France ; while Chapters I and III are taken entirely from the 
translation of Jean Faron. The remainder of the book is from 
the version of Jehan de Vignay, with one or two special inser- 
tions evidently from the pen of Caxton himself. 

To show the curious way in which Caxton adopted and 
adapted while translating, the dedication to the Duke of Clarence, 
hitherto considered as his own composition, is here given side 
by side with its French original. 



Caxton's Prologue to "The 
Game and Play of the 
Chess." 

TO the right noble / right 
excellent & vertuous prince 
George due of Clarence Erie 
of warwyk and of / salisburye / 
grete chamberlayn of Eng- 
lond & leutenant of Irelond 
oldest broder of kynge Ed- 
ward by the grace of god 
kynge of England and of 
fraiice / your most humble 
seruant william Caxton a- 
monge other of your seruantes 
sendes vnto yow peas, helthe. 
Ioye and victorye vpon your 
Enemyes / Right highe puys- 
sant and redoubted prynce / 
For as moche as I haue vn- 
derstand and knowe/that ye 
are enclined vnto the comyn 
wele of the kynge our said 



Prologue of Jean de Vig- 
nay to his French trans- 
lation (a.D. 1360) OF THE 

"Ludus Saccorum" of J. 

DE CESSOLIS. 

A Tres noble & excellent 
prince Jehan de france 
due de normendie & auisne 
filz de philipe par la grace de 
dieu Roy de france . Frere 
Jehan de vignay vostre petit 
Religieux entre les autres de 
vostre seignoire / paix sante 
Joie & victoire sur vos en- 



1 7 6 



WILLIAM CAXTON. 



saueryn lord . his nobles lordes 
and comyn peple of his noble 
royame of Englond/and that 
ye sawe gladly the Inhabitans 
of the same enformed in good . 
vertuous . prouffitable and 
honeste manners . Jn whiche 
your noble persone wyth 
guydyng of your hows ha- 
boundeth / gyuyng light and 
ensample vnto all other/ 
Therfore I haue put me in 
deuour to translate a lityll 
book late comen in to myn 
handes out of frensh in to 
englisshe / Jn which I fynde 
thauctorites . dictees . and sto- 
ries of auncient Doctours phi- 
losophes poetes and of other 
wyse men whiche been re- 
counted & applied vnto the 
moralite of the publique wele 
as well of the nobles as of the 
comyn peple after the game 
and playe of the chesse / 
whiche booke right puyssant 
and redoubtid lord I haue 
made in the name and vnder 
the shadewe of your noble 
protection / not presumyng to 
correcte or empoigne ony 
thynge ayenst your noblesse/ 
For god be thankyd your 
excellent renome shyneth as 
well in strange regions as 
with in the royame of england 
gloriously vnto your honour 
and lande/ whiche god mul- 



nemis . Treschier & redoubte 
seign 1- / pour ce que Jay en- 
tendu et scay que vous veez 
& ouez volentiers choses pro- 
fhtables & honestes et qui 
tendent alinformacion de bon- 
nes meurs ay Je mis vn petit 
liuret de latin en francois le 
quel mest venuz a la main 
nouuellement / ou quel plus- 
sieurs auctoritez et dis de 
docteurs & de philosophes & 
de poetes & des anciens sages / 
sont Eacontez & sont appli- 
quiez a la moralite des nobles 
hommes et des gens de peuple 
selon le gieu des eschez le 
quel liure Tres puissant et 
tres redoubte seigneur jay fait 
on nom & soubz vmbre de 
vous pour laquelle chose 
treschr seign r Je vous suppli 



BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. I. 



177 



teplye and encrece But to 
thentent that other of what 
estate or degre he or they 
stande in . may see in this 
sayd lityll book/yf they 
gouerned them self as they 
ought to doo / wherfor my 
right dere redoubted lord I 
requyre & supplye your good 
grace not to desdaygne to 
resseyue this lityll sayd book 
in gree and thanke / as well 
of me your humble and vn- 
knowen seruant as of a better 
and gretter man than I am/ 
For the right good wylle that 
I haue had to make this lityll 
werk in the best wyse I can/ 
ought to be reputed for the 
fayte and dede / And for more 
clerely to procede in this sayd 
book I haue ordeyned that 
the chapitres ben sette in the 
begynnynge to thende that 
ye may see more playnly the 
mater wherof the book treteth 



& requier de bonne voulente 
de cuer que il vo 9 daigne 
plaire a receuoir ce liure en 
gre aussi bien que de vn 
greign 1 " maistre de moy / car 
la tres bonne voulente que 
Jay de mielx faire se je pouoie 
me doit estre reputee pour le 
fait/Et po r plus clerement 
proceder en ceste ouure/Jay 
ordene que les chappitres du 
liure soient escrips & mis au 
commencement afin de veoir 
plus plainement la matiere de 
quoy le dit liure p'ole. 



&c. 

Before concluding this article we must give an interpolation 
of the text which has real interest as showing Caxton's feelings 
towards " men of law." The French author is regretting the 
conduct of some lawyers of Rome and Italy, and Caxton, with 
a natural burst of indignation, which suggests that personal 
experience had something to do with it, adds this : — 

"Alas ! and in England what hurt do the advocates, men of 
law, and attorneys of court to the common people of the 
royaume, as well in the spiritual law as in the temporal : how 
turn they the law and statutes at their pleasure ; how eat they 
the people, how impoverish they the community. I suppose 

M 



178 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

that in all Christendom are not so many pleaders, attorneys, 
and men of the law as be in England only, for if they were 
numbered all that long to the courts of the Chancery, King's 
Bench, Common Pleas, Exchequer, Eeceipt and Hall, and the 
bag-bearers of the same, it should amount to a great multitude. 
And how all these live and of whom, if it should be uttered 
and told it should not be believed. Eor they entend to their 
singular weal and profit and not to the common." 

There are ten copies known of this book, of which two are 
in the British Museum, one at Oxford, one at Cambridge, and 
six in private libraries. 



"No. 4. — Les fais et prouesses du noble et vaillant 
Chevalier Jason. Folio. Without Printer's Name, 
Place, or Date. ( 1 4 7- ? ) 

Collation. — Sixteen 4 ns and one 3" =134 leaves, of which 
the first and last two leaves are blank. 

Typographical Particulars. — There is no title-page nor 
colophon. The type used is No. 1 only. The great majority 
of the lines are fully spaced out, agreeing in this respect more 
with the Erench editions of "Le Eecueil " and the " Psaulmes " 
than the English "Kecuyell" and the "Chess Book." Full 
lines measure 5 and 5 T 3 g- inches; 31 lines to a page. Without 
signatures, numerals, head-lines, or catchwords. 

A blank leaf commences the book ; at the head of the suc- 
ceeding recto, with space for a 4-line initial, and with a director, 
the Text begins thus : — 

I E gallee tie mon engtn fltotant na pas long 

temps en la parfcintieur ties mers tw pluseurs 

anetennes ijtstotres atnst rmnme j$e bmilote me^ 

iter mon espertt en port tie repos / soutiamement 

sapparu au pres tie mog bne nef eontiuttte par bng ijomme 

The Text ends on the verso of the 31st printed leaf : — 

ant a mon tieuant titt tresretioufcte seigneur / <£t atous eeulx 



BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. i. 179 

pi le contenu tie ce present bolume liront . ou orront lire . 
qutl leur plaice tie grace ejcuser autant que mon petit et ru 
tie engirt na sceu touctjier ne peu comprentire &e * : . 

Explicit 

Remarks. — All the books printed with these types are traced 
to Mansion, either alone or assisted by Caxton. In this work 
and the " Meditacions," the even length of the lines proves 
them to be later productions than those in which the lines are 
more uneven ; and this is plain evidence that if these two 
works were printed by Mansion (as doubtless they were) it 
must have been after 1478, the year in which he adopted the 
plan of even lines; but if we attribute them to Caxton, we 
must suppose him to have forsaken his own establishment at 
the Red-pale, in or after the year 1480 (being the period when 
he first adopted the practice of making his lines of an even 
length) for the purpose of printing abroad what he had every 
facility for printing at home. 

The existence of this edition was first made known in 
England by a letter from M. Van Praet to Dr. Dibdin, who 
sent an account of it to the " Gentleman's Magazine " for July, 
1812. 

Only three copies of this scarce book have been as yet 
discovered. A magnificent one is at Eton College ; another 
is in the National Library, Paris, which, when purchased in 
1808, was bound up with "Le Quadrilogue," a work printed 
by Colard Mansion, in 1478 ; and a third is in the Library of 
the Arsenal, Paris. 

Xo. 5. — Meditacions sur les Sept Pseaulmes Peniten- 
ciaulx. Folio. Without Printer's Name, Place, or 
Date. (1478?) 

Collation. — Three 4™ and one 5 11 = 34 leaves, of which 
the last only is blank. 

Typographical Particulars. — There is no title-page. The 
only type used is No. 1. The lines are for the most part fully 
spaced out, though now and then there is a deficiency in this 
respect, which only occurs, however, on the verso of the folios, 



180 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

the recto throughout being fully spaced. This peculiarity is 
observable to a greater or less extent in all the French books 
printed in this type. The full lines measure 5 inches, and 31 
lines make a full page. There are no signatures, folios, nor 
catchwords. 

In all typographical particulars this work agrees with the 
French edition of "Jason," already described, and there is 
little doubt was printed by Colard Mansion at Bruges, about 
1478. 

The Text begins on the first recto, — 

fBL brage penttance est eomme aueune esef)telle 

I par laquelle lomme peefjeur qui selon la parafoole 

tie leuuangtlle tresmttrg tie Jerusalem en Mnico 

mcnta tie reefjtet tie fljerteci en ityerusalem / eest abtston tie 

And ends on the 33rd verso, with a full page, followed by a 
blank leaf, — 

exultaeton tie leesse esptrttuelle / $uts eneores stl te platst 
me ticmne que par ee septenuatre ties pseaulmes tie pentten- 
ce lesquel? eorrespontient mx sept affeet? tie lomme prtns 
pour les sept tiegre? tie leseljtelle tie pemtenee ge putsse rao= 
ter et paruentr atog en eette tant glnrteuse ette tie gjerusa^ 
lent en laquelle tu fjalutes et te offrtr auee les sains et fie- 
neure? le saertftee tie toenge sans ftn / : &Jft<£Ji 

Remarks. — This work is a translation from the original 
Latin of Cardinal Pierre d'Ailly, entitled " Meditaciones Circa 
Septem Psalmos Penitentiales." It was composed about the 
end of the fourteenth century, and translated shortly after 
into French, but by whom is uncertain, although from the 
style it is supposed by several of his biographers to have been 
from the pen of the Cardinal himself. It has been attributed 
to Antoine Belard, but on insufficient grounds, as his version, 
printed at Lyons in 1542, was a much later production. The 
Cardinal was the author of at least 42 works, many of which 
are preserved in Harl. MS., No. 637 ; but neither in the British 
Museum nor in the National Library, Paris, does there appear 
to be a MS. copy of this commentary on the Penitential Psalms. 



BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. i. 1S1 

About 1483 the original Latin was printed at Paris by Ant. 
Caylaut, and another edition of German, 15 th cent, workman- 
ship, but without Name, Place, or Date, is in the British 
Museum. It was also reprinted at Strasbourg in 1490, and in 
the " Orthodoxographa," Basle, 1555. The Commentary on 
the Penitential Psalms printed by Wynken de Worde was 
composed by Bishop Alcock, and has nothing in common with 
this. 

Pierre d'Ailly was born of poor parents at Compiegne in 
1350. His father, at the cost of many personal privations, pro- 
cured for him a souDd elementary education, and at an early 
age he obtained the appointment of Bursar in the celebrated 
College of Navarre. He made himself master of the philosophy 
and science of his age, studying especially metaphysics and 
astronomy. When only twenty-five he was accounted the 
greatest scholar and most skilful debater of the time. In 1380 
the University of Paris conferred upon him the degree of Doctor, 
and in the following year he delivered his famous oration upon 
the healing of the Papal schism which at that time was disturb- 
ing all Christendom. This procured for him the benefice of 
Noyon, which he held till 1384. He was then recalled to Paris 
to be Grand Master of the College of Navarre, where only twelve 
years before he had studied as a pupil. At this period his fame 
was greatly increased by his successful pleadings before Pope 
Clement VII. against the new-fangled doctrine of the Immaculate 
Conception of the Virgin Mary. In 1389 he became Chancellor 
of the University of Paris, as well as Confessor and Almoner 
to the young king Charles VI. Already well versed in Church 
politics, he now became initiated in Court mysteries, and by a 
happy mixture of wisdom, wit, and polished manners, greatly 
increased his fame and power. In 1394 the Canons of La 
Sainte Chapelle having become very neglectful of their duties, 
he was appointed Treasurer, and soon initiated some sweeping 
reforms. Two years later he was consecrated Bishop of Cambray, 
where his firmness and prudence in the most trying circum- 
stances exercised the most happy influence on his Diocese. His 
favours and patronage were conferred on those most worthy by 
their piety, zeal, and abilities to receive them, and especially 



1 82 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

was he anxious to avoid even the appearance of simony. In 
141 1 he was chosen Cardinal, and it was about this time that 
he published the " Meditationes " upon which this article is 
founded. He distinguished himself at the Councils of Pisa and 
Constance, and was President of the Session at which John 
Huss was condemned to be burnt. He died in 1420 at the 
height of his fame. 

The only Existing Copy at present known was discovered 
in the General Library of the British Museum, in 1841, by 
Mr. J. Winter Jones, bound up with "Les Quatre Derrenieres 
Choses." It is perfect, in an excellent state of preservation, 
clean, and free from all disfigurements. It has the final blank 
leaf, the verso of which is covered with quotations in the 
handwriting of the fifteenth century. These quotations are 
extended over the first recto (which is also a blank) of the 
book mentioned above as being bound up with it, proving 
that they were bound together soon after printing. For an 
article on both works, from the pen of Mr. Jones, see " Arch^eo- 
logia," vol. xxxi, page 412. 



A 

DESCRIPTION OF BOOKS PRINTED 

IN 

TYPE No. 2. 



BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE No. 2 



6. Les Quatre Derrenieres Choses 

7. The History of Jason .... 

8. The Dictes and Sayings. First Edition 

9. Horse ...... 

10. The Canterbury Tales. First Edition 

11. The Moral Proverbs of Christine . 

12. Propositio Johannis Russell 

13. Stans puer ad Mensam .... 

14. Parvus Catho. Eirst Edition 

15. Ditto Second Edition 

16. The Horse, the Sheep, and the Ghoos. First Edition 

17. Ditto ditto Second Edition 

18. Infancia Salvatoris .... 

19. The Temple of Glass .... 

20. The Chorle and the Bird. First Edition 

21. Ditto ditto Second Edition . 

22. The Temple of Brass, or the Parliament of Fowls 

23. The Book of Courtesy. First Edition 

24. Queen Anelida ..... 

25. Boethius ...... 

26. Corydale ..... 

27. Fratris Laur. Gulielmi de Saona Margarita 

28. The Dictes and Sayings. Second Edition 

29. Indulgence ...... 

30. Parvus et Magnus Chato. Third Edition 

31. The Mirrour of the World. First Edition 

32. Reynard the Fox. First Edition 

33. Tully of Old Age ..... 

34. The Game and Playe of the Chesse. Second Edition 



• 1475? 
1477? 

• 1477 
1478? 

. 1478? 
1478 

. 1478? 
ante 1479 
ante 1479 
ante 1479 
ante 1479 
ante 1479 
ante 1479 
ante 1479 
ante 1479 
ante 1479 
ante 1479 
ante 1479 
ante 1 479 
ante 1479 

1479 
1479-10? 
1480? 
1480 
1481? 
1481? 
1481 
1481 
1481? 



BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE No. 2. 



No. 6. — Les quatre derrenieres choses advenir. Folio. 
Without Printer 's Name, Date, or Place. (1476 ?) 

Collation. — Nine 4 m =72 leaves, of which the first only is 
blank. 

Typographical Particulars. — Type No. 2 only is used. 
The lines are of very irregular length, 28 to a page. "Without 
signatures, folios, or catchwords. Commencing with a blank 
leaf, the table follows on the second recto, the first three lines 
being in red ink. 

The Text begins : — 

<Ee present traictie est fiiuiseen quatre parties prtnetpa 
Irs : Besquelles efjaseune eonttent trots autres singuli / 
res parties en la fourme qui sensuit : 

and ends on 72nd verso : — 

quil ? v pourueissent aux eposes trerrenieres / bent la frequite 
memoire et reeorfcaeion l&apelle ties pecljte? a ettlpe aux bet 
tus et conferme en fcounes oeuures / par quog on paruient a 
la glotre etemelle :&men 

Explicit liter tie 

qttatuor Jlouisstmts 

An important typographical peculiarity in this work is the 
mode in which the printer has employed red ink for the title- 
lines of chapters. The modus operandi and how the red ink 
overlies the black, is explained at p. 52, ante. This curious 
and primitive practice is not seen in any books except that 
under notice, and those printed by Colard Mansion of Bruges. 



1 86 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

Another typographical characteristic which intimately connects 
this hook with those printed in Type No. i is the existence of 
two small holes on the outer margin of each leaf, made by 
points in use by the pressman. These, it should he noticed, 
occur in all the works for which type No. i was used, .but 
none, except the present, printed with type No. 2, nor indeed 
in any English printed books. Again, we find among the un- 
doubted first issues of the press at Westminster that the books 
in folio, such as "The Life of Jason," "Dictes," "Canterbury 
Tales," "Cordyale," &c, have all 29 lines to the page, while 
"Les quatre derrenieres choses " has but 28. On taking, how- 
ever, the actual measurement, it will be seen that the depth of 
the page is exactly the same as in the type No. 1 books. Evi- 
dence has been already produced to show that the five books in 
type No. 1 were printed in Bruges by Colard Mansion alone, or 
assisted by Caxton ; and to the same source we have no hesita- 
tion in ascribing "Les quatre derrenieres choses." 

Remarks. — The title, "De quatuor novissimis," was applied 
to many religious treatises of the fourteenth and fifteenth 
centuries ; and so many Latin manuscripts of distinct works 
have come down to us that it is difficult to distinguish between 
them : nor were the early printed editions less numerous, Hain, 
in his "Kepertorium Bibliographicum," giving the titles of 
twenty-one editions printed in the fifteenth century. They all 
agree, however, in one particular, viz. — that no copy gives the 
name of its author. The Latin original of one work on this 
subject is attributed to " Denis de Leewis, natif de Eikel," who 
died in 147 1 : it was printed at Antwerp about i486. But 
the authorship of this particular version is given to Gerardus a 
Vliedenhoven, and Mr. Holtrop gives an account of three printed 
editions. There is a fourth in the University Library, Cam- 
bridge, besides which there are four Dutch editions. Early 
French anonymous versions were also very numerous, and it is 
fortunate that a manuscript in the Royal Library, Brussels, has 
preserved the name of the author to whom we are indebted for 
the present translation. It bears the following colophon : " Cy 
fine le traittie des quatre dernieres choses, translate" de latin en 
francois par Jo. Mielot Tan de grace mil cccc liij." 



BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 2. 187 

Philippe le Bon, as is well known, maintained many secre- 
taries for the purpose of adding to the treasures of his library 
by translations, collations, commentaries, &c. In this way 
were employed Guy d' Angers, David Aubert, de Hesdin, Droin 
Ducret, de Dijon, and others. They brought into use that 
peculiar style of writing termed "grosse batarde," which, at a 
later date, Colard Mansion took as a pattern for his types. 
Among the duke's secretaries, one of the most indefatigable 
was Jean Mielot. He united in himself the qualifications of 
author, translator, and scribe, as he lets us know in the manu- 
script, " Traite de vieillesse et de jeunesse," now in the Eoyal 
Library, Copenhagen. 

The only Existing Copy known of this edition was dis- 
covered by Mr. J. Winter Jones, while re- cataloguing a portion 
of the old royal library in the British Museum. It was bound 
in the same volume as the " Meditacions," already described at 
page 179, to which the reader is referred for further particulars. 

ISTo. 7. — The History of Jason. Folio. Without Printer's 
Name, Place, or Date. (1477 ?) 

Collation. — Eighteen 4 113 and one 3°= 150 leaves, of which 
the first and two last are blank. 

Typographical Particulars. — There is no title. The only 
type used is No. 2. The lines are very uneven in length, the 
longest measuring 5 inches. A full page has 29 lines. With- 
out signatures, folios, or catchwords. Space is left at the 
commencement of chapters for the insertion of a 2-line initial, 
with director. 

The Text begins thus, on the second recto, the first leaf 
being blank : — 

f <&x asmocje as late fig tje comautfement of tfje rt'gjjt 

jge & turtle prmcesse mg rtgf)t retooufitetr la*g / JElg 

lafcg i^largarete fig tfje grace of got* Bucfjesse of $5our- 

and ends on the 148th verso, 

among tfje most toortjjg * En* after ifjuai present life eu^ 
tasttngitfe in tjeuen tofjo grant J)tm & bs tfjat fiougfjte bs 
toitf) fits tlootie blessg* jjjfjus &men 



1 88 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

Eemarks. — As already noticed when treating of the original 
French version of "Jason," its compiler was Eaoul Lefevre, 
secretary to the Duke of Burgundy, and while in the service 
of the duchess, it seems most probable that Caxton became 
possessed of a copy. The date of imprint has been generally 
attributed hj bibliographers to the year 1475, Du t this is, I 
think, too early. The features of Caxton's history about that 
time seem to point to 1476-77 as the date of his settlement in 
England; and November 18th, 1477, is, as we know, the day 
on which the printing of " Dictes " was finished. Now the 
typographical appearance of "Jason" proves it to have been 
one of the very earliest products of the Westminster press ; 
and Caxton's remarks in the prologue to " Golden Legend " 
show the translation to have followed "The Recuyell" and 
"Chess Book." The evidence, therefore, seems to point to a 
date immediately preceding "Dictes" or the early part of 1477, 
when the young prince, to whom it was dedicated, would be 
six years old, and much more likely to make use of the work 
than if presented to him two years earlier. 

Gerard Leeu, at Antwerp, reprinted this English text in 
1492, a fact noticed thus by Gerard Legh in "The Accidence 
of Armory," 1576 — "The History of Jason, which was trans- 
lated out of Frenche, and printed at Andwarpe by one of my 
name." 

Of the six known copies there is one in the British Museum, 
one in the Bodleian, and four in private libraries. 



No. 8. — The Dictes and Sayings op the Philosophers. 
Folio. " Enprynted by me William Caxton at West- 
mestre." 1477. First Edition ; without Colophon. 

Collation. — Nine 4 ns and one 3 11 = 78 leaves, of which the 
first and two last are blank. 

Typographical Particulars. — There is no title-page. Only 
type No. 2 is used. The lines are of very uneven length, the 
longest measuring 5 inches; 29 lines to a full page. Without 



BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 2. 189 

folios, catchwords, or signatures. Space is left at the beginning 
of chapters for the insertion of 3-line initials, with director. 

Commencing with a blank leaf, Earl Rivers's prologue 
follows. 

The Text begins thus, on the second recto : — 

Jfiere it is so tfjat euerg fmmagn Creature fig tje 
to suffrauce of our lorti got) is torn & ortietgnet* to 

fie sufigette an* tfjral bnto tfje stormes of fortune 
&tt& iso in fiiuerse & mang sonftrg togses man is perplex- 

The work concludes on the verso of the 73rd folio at foot, 
and is followed on the 74th recto by Caxton's epilogue and 
additions, commencing with space for 3-line initial. 

<£re entieti) tf)e fioo& namefi tfje trietes or sagengts 
fj of tfje pfjtlosopijres enprgnteti /fig me toilliam 
(ftaxton at toestmestre tf)e gere of our lorb * J¥t * 
(&<&<&(& • Exxbij * ^E^icSe fioolt is late translated out of 

The Text ends on the 76th verso, with a short page of six- 
teen lines — 

posieion in tin's toorl* / &nfc after ti)gs Igf to Igue euer- 
lastgnglg in ijeuen &men 

<£t sie est finis 

Remarks. — This book is remarkable as being the first which 
bears a plain statement of the place and time of its execution. 
It is thought by some to be really the first book printed in 
England. A few of the quarto pieces may perhaps have pre- 
ceded it, but there is none that can be proved of earlier work- 
manship ; and if, as there seems good reason for supposing, 
Caxton did not settle at Westminster before 1476-77, he would 
not have had time to produce much. 

The history of the English translation of this work is interest- 
ing. It appears that Earl Rivers, moved thereto by a remem- 
brance of relief from many worldly adversities, determined 
to pay his vows at the shrine of St. James of Compostella. In 



190 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

the British Museum (C. 18. e. 2) is "An Abbreviation of the 
graces and indulgences which Alexader vj granteth to all true 
believing people of every sexe or communitie of the grete hospytall 
of Saynt James of Copostella." This shrine had been for many 
years the favourite resort of those who intended a short pil- 
grimage. Many ships, and those of the largest burthen, were 
engaged in this passenger traffic, the chief port of embarkation 
being Southampton. Thence in the year 1473 the ear l sailed, 
and while on the voyage Lewis de Bretaylles, a Gascon knight 
celebrated for his great prowess, at the court of Edward IY, 
showed the earl a copy, in French, of " Les dits moraux des 
philosoph.es," with which Lord Bivers was greatly delighted, 
retaining it for more intimate perusal. On his return to Eng- 
land, in the same year, the king appointed him one of the 
governors of the Prince of Wales ; and now, having more 
leisure, the earl began a translation of the work into English, 
which, however, notwithstanding the assistance of an earlier 
translation by Scrope, occupied him some years, supposing it to 
be completed only a short time previously to its being printed 
in 1477. Earl Bivers evidently had a good opinion of Caxton's 
literary abilities, for he requested him " to oversee " his trans- 
lation before printing it, and the result was the addition of a 
chapter "towching wymmen," introduced by a very character- 
istic prologue from Caxton's own pen. This prologue is replete 
with a quiet humour, which reveals to us more of Caxton's real 
disposition than all his other writings. It proves also the 
intimate terms which must have existed between Lord Bivers 
and himself. 

We may infer from this, the first edition had a rapid sale, as 
about 1 48 1 a second edition (described further on) was produced 
in the same type, and page for page, the same as the original. 

There is an oft-quoted but much overrated manuscript of 
this translation in the Archiepiscopal Palace, Lambeth. It is 
on vellum, and has one inconsiderable illumination, famous 
only on account of giving the sole representation known of 
Edward Y. Earl Bivers is presenting a copy on bended 
knee (probably this very one) to the prince, who is seated on 
his throne. By the earl's side is pourtrayed an ecclesiastic 



BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 2. 191 

with shaven crown, probably " Haywarde," whose name appears 
at the end of the volume as the writer. We may suppose the 
earl to be in the act of reciting the metrical prologue which 
appears at the commencement, and the first five lines of which 
are — 

This boke late translate here in sight 

By Anthony Earl (erasure) that vertueux knyght 

Please it to accepte to youre noble grace 

And at youre conueniens leysoure and space 
It to see reede and vnderstonde 

The writing is the usual secretary hand of the fifteenth 
century, and the date of transcription, as given in the colo- 
phon, is December 29th, 1477, or about six weeks after the 
publication of Caxton's printed edition, of w T hich it is a ver- 
batim copy, with the addition of the metrical prologue already 
noticed, and the following paragraph which precedes Caxton's 
prologue to the chapter on women — " And suffice you with the 
translation of the sayinges of thes Philosophres, And one 
William Caxton atte desire of my lorde Ryuers / emprinted 
many bokes after the tonour and forme of this boke / wdiiche 
Willm saide as foloweth : " then comes Caxton's chapter. 

A different and somewhat earlier translation is in the Ms. 
department of the British Museum (Harl. 2266), "late trans- 
latyd out of frensh tung in to englysh the yer of our lord 
M cccc l to John Fostalf knyght for his contemplacion and 
solas by Stevyn Scrope squyer sonne in law to the seide Fos- 
talle." Literary taste is not often associated with the name of 
Sir John Falstaff. 

Thirteen copies of this edition are known — Two in the 
British Museum, one at Cambridge, and the remainder in 
private libraries. The Rev. T. Corser's copy, sold in 1868, 
wanting three leaves, sold for ^110. 

No. 9. — Fragment of a " Hor^." Octavo. Without 
Printer 's Name, Place, or Date. (1478 ?) 

Four leaves only. Type No. 2. Lines very uneven in 
length, the longest measuring i\ inches ; twelve lines to a full 
page. Without signatures, catchwords, or numerals. 



192 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

The evidence which a perfect volume might afford being absent, 
the following suggestions by Mr. Bradshaw, of Cambridge, are 
offered : — From the small portion remaining of the original, it is 
impossible to state with accuracy under what particular class of 
service-books it should be ranged. To all appearance it is 
part of a primer, or " Horse secundum consuetudinem 
Anglise ; " though its diminutive size renders it improbable 
that it contained, as well as the Hours, the Litany, the Vigils 
of the Dead, and all the miscellaneous prayers usually found in 
this class of books. The above fragment will be found to 
include the following portions of Suffragia at Lauds : — St. 
Thomas of Canterbury (the last few words only), St. Nicholas, 
St. Mary Magdalene, St. Katharine, St. Margaret ; after which, 
in the four leaves that are wanting, there is room for All 
Saints, the Prayer for Peace, the Yersicle and Kesponse, 
Benedicamus domino, Deo gracias, and the commencement of 
the Suffragia of the Three Kings, the rest thereof occupying, as 
above, the head of the second portion of the fragment. Then 
follow the Suffragia of St. Barbara and the concluding verse 
Benedicam 9 dno Deo gs, with which the service ends. On 
comparing this with the Horse of the same period it will be 
seen that these prayers always occur at the end of Lauds, and 
are peculiar in their order to the English Church, with the 
exception of the Three Kings and St. Barbara, which, in this 
sequence, are peculiar to this fragment. Suffragia of the Three 
Kings, and of St. Barbara, are found amongst the miscellaneous 
commemorations in most of the English primers ; but those of 
St. Barbara, as found in this fragment, differ altogether from 
those which occur in other Horse. It is well known that 
the Esterlings were a thriving and influential corporation 
in Caxton's time, consisting of German merchants from the 
City of Cologne and the other towns in the Hanseatic League, 
■and occupying the Steel Yard in Cannon Street as their London 
residence, with All Hallows the Great as their parish church, 
and St. Barbara as their patron saint. Now in their accustomed 
service, comprising Matins and Lauds, the Suffrages of the 
Three Kings of Cologne, which, as already remarked, do not 
commonly occur at those hours, would be most appropriate, not 



BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 2. 193 

on account of the name so much as the subject of the prayer, 
which is for success in trade, and for peace and health in travel- 
ling; — "concede propitius . . . . ut itinere quo ituri sumus, 
celebritate, letitia, gratia et pace, ad loca destinata in pace et 
salute et negotio bene peracto cum omne prosperitate, salvi et 
sani redire valeamus." This alone proves very little ; but when 
we find that the next suffrages are those of St. Barbara, whose 
name never occurs in the English Lauds, but to whom the 
Esterlings prayed as their patron saint, it becomes probable 
that the fragment before us was part of an Anglican primer (or 
Horae), with additional prayers, for their especial use. And if 
these German merchants, in whose country the typographic art 
had made great progress, wished to have this, their daily service, 
printed, to whom could they go but to Caxton, the only printer 
then in England. 

Should this view be correct it considerably increases the 
bibliographical value of the fragment, which is otherwise of 
great interest as being, in all probability, the earliest English- 
printed service in existence, and which, from the unevenness in 
the printing and the early types, must have been one of the 
first products of the Westminster press. 

The fragment on which the foregoing remarks have been 
founded is in the Bodleian Library (Douce Eragments). When 
originally extracted from an old book-cover it formed a half- 
sheet, but now two quarters. 

No. 10. — Chaucer's Canterbury Tales. Folio. Sine ulld 
notd. First Edition. (1478?) 

Collation. — Eorty 4 113 , one 3* one 5* one 3* one 5 11 , one 
3 n , one 5 11 , and one 2 n , making together 372 leaves, of which 
the first only is blank. 

Typographical Particulars. — There is no title-page. The 
only type used is No. 2. The lines in the prose portions 
are very unevenly spaced, but the longest measure 5 inches ; 
29 lines to a full page. Without folios, signatures, or catch- 
words. The book commences with a blank leaf, after which the 
Text begins thus : — 



194 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

3^an tfjat Epprtll tottl) J)ts Courts sote 
to &ntr tfje brougjjte of marcfje fjatj) pettr ge tote 

&ntr tofa euetg begne in suc|)e licour 
<&f tof)icf)e bertu engentirto is tfje flour 

On the 372nd leaf recto are the following lines, being the 
conclusion of the Parson's tale : — 

ttficaeton of ggnne / Ko tfjat igf fje bs fcrgnge tfjat fcougfjt 
tottfj fjtg precgous fclooft Emen, 

<&rpltctt tractate (JMfrgfct <£fjaucer tre 
3Penttencta bt trtcttur pro fafmla Meetorte, 

The reverse is occupied by what is called Chaucer's retrac- 
tion, commencing — 

n <©to prag 3 to fjem aile tfjat fjerfcene tgtss itttl treatise 

and ending — 

tieus . }9er omnia secula seeulor* &men. 

which concludes the volume. 

Nine copies are known, of which two are in the British 
Museum, one at the Bodleian, one at Merton College, Oxford, 
and the others in private libraries. 

No. 11. — The Mokal Proverbs of Crist yne. Folio. "En- 
printed by Caxton At Westmestre" 1478. 

Collation. — Two sheets, or four leaves, all printed. 
Typographical Particulars. — The only type used is No. 2. 
28 lines to a page. Without signatures, catchwords, or folios. 
The Text begins, with a head-line on the first recto, thus : — 

Cfje morale prouerfces of (Ertstpe 
t ffie grete bertus of oure eftens notable 

OMte to rememta ts tfjtng profitable 
&k lOTPS t)ous te . tofjere fctoelletfj prudence 



BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 2. 195 

and ends on the fourth verso, 

&t toestmestte . of tiumt tfje . xx . tiage 
&n* of fcgng ©titoartJ / ti)e ♦ xbtj . pete btage 

©npttnteti &g (Eaxton 
$n feumr tlje coifce season 

Remarks. — Cristyne de Pise was, with the single exception 
of Joan of Arc, the most famous woman of her age. She was 
born a.d. 1363, in Italy, and, at the early age of fifteen, 
married Etienne Castel. After a few happy years her husband 
was taken from her by death ; and now, although, to quote her 
own words, " nourri en delices et mignottemens," she found 
herself almost in destitution, with aged parents and three young 
children dependent upon her. Fortunately her father, who had 
been physician to Charles V of France, had taken great pains 
in her education, by which she had well profited. Urged on 
by necessity, she devoted herself to a literary life, and soon 
became famous. Her writings, which show a vast amount of 
reading, were ever on the side of virtue, morality, and peace. 
Her unimpeachable life assisted the tendency of her writings, 
and both were an honour to the age in which she lived. For 
many years her labours were incessant. After a last song of 
rejoicing on the victories of the French arms under "La 
Pucelle " she retired to a convent for the remainder of her days. 
The date of her death is unknown. The biographers of 
Cristyne vie with one another in her praises. There is a 
charming monograph upon her, by M. Raimond Thomassy, 
entitled "Essai sur les Ecrits Politiques de Christine de Pisan." 
8vo. Paris, 1838. See also "Les Msc. Franc," vol. iv, p. 186 ; 
and "Mem. de l'Acad. des Insc," vol. ii, p. 762. 

"Les prouerbes moraulx" were originally composed as a 
supplement to " Les enseignemens moraux," written by Cris- 
tyne for the instruction of her son, Jean Castel, who passed a 
part of his youthful days in the service of the Earl of Salis- 
bury, in England. 

The translation of these proverbs into English by Earl 



196 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

Rivers appears to have taken place about the same period as 
his longer effort the "Dictes of the Philosophers." And here 
we may notice that the earl has been credited by Horace 
Walpole and Dr. Dibdin with the pedantic design of making 
nearly all the lines of his translation end with the letter " e." 
A very cursory examination of the poetry of the fifteenth 
century would have shown that the terminal e was common in 
all writings of that period. 

In the " Fayttes of Arms," translated and printed by Caxton 
at a later period, we meet with another production of the same 
authoress. The only copies known of the " Moral Proverbs " are 
in the libraries of Earl Spencer, Earl of Jersey, and Mr. Christie- 
Miller. 

ISTo. 12. — Propositio Johannis Russell. Quarto. Without 
Printer's Name, Date, or Place. (147-?) 

Collation. — Eour printed leaves, the recto of the first and 
the verso of the last being blank. 

Typographical Particulars. — There is no title-page. Only 
one type, No. 2, is used. The lines are very irregular in length, 
a full line measuring 4 inches. A full page has 22 lines, with- 
out signatures or catchwords. The speech, which is all in one 
paragraph, bears evidence of having been printed a page at a 
time. It commences with a 2-line space for the insertion of an 
initial, with a small director, and has been reprinted in full by 
Dr. Dibdin. 

The Text begins on the first verso : — 

^ropsttto <£lartsstmt (©ratorts ♦ JHagtstrt $ o 
Jiatmtg l&ussell fcecretorum ftoetous ac attune 
Emtematorts xptantsstmt Hegts <£fitoartu 

and ends with twelve lines on the fourth recto, of which the 
last three are — 

pfjare aft M lauftem / et e*altattonem Sftet ipta 
ne / ttostrt q? seremismmt regis rofiur ♦ solarium re 
uelatumem %} / et glortam plete sue . amen 



BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 2. 197 

In the eighth volume of the "Censura Literaria," page 351, 
appeared the first public notice of this tract, which till then 
had been mistaken for a manuscript. Whether printed at 
Bruges, which is not unlikely, or at Westminster is difficult 
to decide. 

John Russell, "Orator clarissimus," Bishop of Lincoln and 
Lord Chancellor, held many offices of trust under three sove- 
reigns. He was born in the parish of St. Peter's, Winchester, 
in the beginning of the reign of Henry VI, and commenced 
his education there. At an early age he went to the University 
of Oxford, where he obtained the degree of Doctor of Decrees. 
In 1449 ne was m ade fellow of New College ; was afterwards 
appointed to a prebendal stall in Salisbury, and in 1466 to 
the Archdeaconry of Berkshire. On the latter appointment he 
removed to court, where he was much noticed by Edward IV. 
In September, 1467, he was commissioned by the king, together 
with Lord Hastings, Lord Scales, and others, to conclude a 
treaty of marriage between the king's sister Margaret and the 
Duke of Burgundy. A few months later he was engaged in 
arranging the trade relationship between this country and 
Flanders. It was probably then, if not at an earlier period, 
that he became acquainted with our printer. His name appears 
often after this as assisting in the negotiation of various treaties. 
In February, 1469-70, " Messire Galiard, chevalier; Thomas 
Vaghan, Escuier et Tresorier de la Chambre ; et Jehan Russell, 
Docteur en Decret, Arcediacre de Berksuir," accompanied by 
Garter King at Arms, were commissioned by King Edward IV 
to invest the Duke of Burgundy with the order of the Garter. 
On this occasion the oration which forms the foundation of the 
present article was delivered. The investiture took place at 
Ghent, and here, if Caxton were present, of which however 
there is no positive evidence, he would again make acquaint- 
ance with John Russell. In 1476 the Archdeacon was raised to 
the bishopric of Rochester, and in 1480 translated to Lincoln. 
In March, 1483, he appeared as "Orator" before Pope Sixtus 
IV (see Harleian MS. No. 433), and was probably in Rome 
when his Sovereign, Edward IV, who had appointed him one 
of his executors, breathed his last. In the short reign of 



198 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

Edward V he was appointed Lord Chancellor, to which office 
he was re-appointed by Kichard III. In 1485 he retired to 
private life, and died in January 1494. He was interred in 
Lincoln Cathedral, under an altar tomb in the Chantry Chapel, 
founded by him on the south side of the Lady Chapel. 

He was the first Chancellor of Oxford appointed for life, in 
which university he was very popular. England also should 
keep his name in memory if only for the great change he 
initiated in promulgating the statutes of the realm in the 
vulgar tongue, instead of Latin or French, a practice continued 
ever after. Sir Thomas More thus draws his character : "A 
wyse man and a good, and of much experyence; and one of 
the best learned menne undoubtedly that Englande had in hys 
time." 

An interesting autograph, as showing the Archdeacon at 
Bruges in 1467, when Caxton was governor, occurs in a volume 
of " Cicero de Officiis," in the Public Library of Cambridge : — 
"Empf p Jo. Euscel . archidiaconu. berkshyrie apud oppidu 
bruggense flandrie a 1467 mens' Ap 1 ? 17 die." 

A fine uncut copy is in the magnificent library of Earl 
Spencer. It appears to have been bound up by mistake in a 
volume of blank paper intended for manuscript alone, being in 
the original binding, and the whole volume otherwise consist- 
ing of the common manuscript hand of the fifteenth century, 
which affords no indication of local execution. It was dis- 
covered in cataloguing the library of John Brand, which was 
sold in 1807, and where it appeared among the manuscripts 
(Part I, Lot 30), "A work on Theology and Keligion, with 
five leaves at the end, a very great curiosity, very early 
printed on wooden blocks or type." The Marquis of Bland- 
ford bought it at the reasonable price of £2 5s. At the sale 
of his library in 181 9 (Lot 5752), Earl Spencer was obliged 
to give ^126 for it. It was for many years considered as 
unique, until another copy was discovered in the library at 
Holkham, these two being the only copies known. 



BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 2. 199 

No. 13. — Stans Puer ad Mensam — Moral Distichs — Salve 
Regina. Quarto. Sine ulld notd. {Ante 1479.) 

Collation. — Four leaves, all printed. 

There is no title-page. Type ISTo. 2 only is used. There are 
23 lines to a page, or three stanzas in " Balad Royal," (1) with a 
blank line between the stanzas. Long lines measure 4 inches. 
Without signatures or catchwords. 

The Text begins, on the first recto, thus : — 

♦ Stans puer a* mensam ♦ 
m % tee cfjiltie first tf)g self enafile 

W&ity ail tjtn fjette to bertuo 9 fcisctplme 
&fore tf)B soueragn stontigng at tfje tafile 

The poem concludes with two stanzas on the third recto, the 
latter of which is : — 

0o litill figlle fiaregn of eloquence 
^rag gong cfjiltiren tf)at tfje sfjal see or retie 
Cfjougf) tfjou fie not compendious of sentence 
<©£ tje clatoses for to tafce fjetie 
SHfitcf) to alle bertue sjal tf)g songtj) letie 
(Bf tfje torgtgng tfjougf) tfjer fie no tjate 
gf ougfjt fie amps put tfje faute in litigate 
♦ Explicit . 

Moral Distichs immediately follow the above, and fill up 
the page. The whole is here given. 

&rgse erlg &ntr argse temperatlg 

Serue goti tieuoutlg &nti to tjp soup sofierlg 

Cfje toorlti fiestlg %LnO to t^S fieti merilg 

(Boo tf)g toap satilg &nti fie tjjere iocontilp 

&nstoere tiemurelp &nti slepe setorlg 
(Bo to tf)B mete appetentlg ♦ (Explicit . 

(1) " Ballad Royal " was the title of a seven-line rhythm, each stanza of 
which rhymed as follows : — a — b — a — b—b—c — c. 



200 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

The Salve Eegina begins on the verso of the preceding, at 
the head of the page. 

. art fjolg Salue regtna in engltjssf) . 

Elite tottf) all ofcetsance to goti i fmmtilesse 
1£egina to regne eupr more in fclgsse 
Water to crist as toe figleue expresse 

The "Salue" ends at the foot of the 4th recto, 

JHater of Vgi anti etetne creacion 

Salue euer as fetr as toe can suffgse ♦ &men* 

The reverse of this leaf gives the following : — 

TOgtte fjatf) frontier anti fcgntie ne can 
Jgofr maptien is motier anti goti is man 
Heue Xfyn asfcgng anti Meue tfjat frontier 
dFor mggfjt fjatl) maistrg & slt£ll gotf) bntier 
. Beo laus &t ♦ 

This is followed by six proverbial couplets, the last being — 

l£nofre er tjou imgtte & tfjan tfiou maist slafce 
gf tljou fcngt er tfjou fcnofre tljan it is to late 

This finishes the Text as it stands in the only two copies 
known. 

From the absence of the word (Explicit, or any other similar 
ending which Caxton made a rule of placing at the end of his 
works, great and small, it is not unlikely that this piece is 
imperfect. This is rendered more probable by the absence of 
the blank leaf at the beginning, which, supposing a printed 
leaf wanting at the end, would be its counterpart. At the same 
time it should be noticed that the only two known copies agree 
in this deficiency, and that Wynken de Worde, who reprinted 
from Caxton's edition, concludes in the same abrupt way; 
though it is not impossible that he printed from an imperfect 
copy, and did not know it, as in this very tract he has repro- 
duced, with his usual carelessness, an accidental error of 
Caxton's edition. Caxton, in printing, had transposed the two 
pages of the second leaf, proving that, even in the quarto size, 



BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 2. 201 

he had not arrived at the art of printing more than one page a 
time, and Wynken de Worde blindly repeats the mistake. 

Among the many pieces which make up the catalogue of 
Lydgate's works must be included " Stans Puer ad Mensam," 
as the two concluding lines prove : — 

" Of the writing, though there be no date, 
If ought be amiss put the fault in lydgate." 

Dan John Lydgate, who knew Chaucer in his old age, 
and may have been acquainted with Caxton in his youth, was 
an indefatigable rhymester. Eitson gives a list of 2 5 1 pieces 
attributed to his pen. The dates of his birth and death are 
equally obscure, and the only fact concerning him, of any 
certainty, is that he was born at Lidgate, near Bury St. Ed- 
munds, whence he doubtless derived his name. (Harl. MS. 
2251, folio 283.) 

The "Stans Puer" is a translation of the "Carmen juve- 
nile de moribus puerorum" of Sulpitius, of which the first 
edition was probably printed at Aquila in 1483. But the type 
used for Caxton's tract (the last dated use of which in its first 
state was in 1479) proves it to have been printed at least 
some years previous to the impression at Aquila ; so that we 
may fairly consider this as the " editio princeps " of the tract. 
It was reprinted by Wynken de Worde three times early in the 
succeeding century. 

The " Salve Regina," in its style and metre, closely resem- 
bles the acknowledged pieces of Lydgate, and was also, in all 
probability, from his pen. 

The copy in the University Library of Cambridge is the 
only one known, and though now in a separate binding, was 
formerly in a volume of poems all printed by Caxton, of which 
an account is here appended. 

Bishop Moore's library, rich in old black-letter poems, con- 
tained, among its other treasures, one priceless little volume, 
in quarto, bound in plain brown calf, and lettered on the back 
"Old poetry printed by Caxton." The collection appears to 
have been made before it came into the bishop's possession ; 
but the fact of the poems being bound together led Middleton 
and all succeeding writers to describe them as one work. Mr. 



202 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

Bradshaw's careful examination, however, showed that the 
volume contained eight distinct publications, which have 
since been bound separately. Some of. these are unique, and 
some are found alone in other collections. Before re-binding, 
the volume contained the following pieces in the following 
order : — 

I. Stans Puer ad Mensam; Moral Distichs; The Salve 
Kegina. II. Parvus Catho and Magnus Catho. III. 
The Chorle and the Bird. IY. The Horse the Goose 
and the Sheep ; Stanzas ; The proper use of certain 
nouns ; The proper use of certain verbs. V. The 
Temple of Glass. YI. The Temple of Brass ; A trea^ 
tise which John Skogan sent unto the lords and 
gentlemen .... exhorting them to use virtues in their 
youth; The good counsel of Chaucer; Balad of the 
village without painting. VII. The Book of Courtesy. 
VIII. Anelida and Arcyte and The Complaint of 
Chaucer to his purse. 
There is nothing to show in what order these tracts were 
printed. Being all in verse we can draw no conclusions from 
irregularity of spacing, and even where two editions were 
printed it is sometimes impossible to say which had pre- 
cedence. That they were all printed before February 2nd, 
1479, we ma y safely assume, as they are, without exception, 
in the early state of type No. 2, which then made its last 
dated appearance in " Cordyale ; " and that many were among 
Caxton's first essays seems probable from their popular nature, 
and the small amount of labour required in their production. 
Por these reasons they are treated consecutively, together 
with three other editions, in Nos. 14 to 25, those pieces whose 
longest lines all measure 4 inches being placed before those 
measuring 3! inches. 

ISTo. 14. — Parvus Catho. — Magnus Catho. Quarto. First 
Edition. Sine ulld notd. {Ante 1479.) 
Collation. — Three 4 ns and one 5 11 =34 leaves, of which 
the first was doubtless blank, though wanting in the only 
known copy. 



BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 2. 203 

There is no title-page. The type is No. 2 only. Full lines 
measure 4 inches, and each page contains 23 lines, counting 
the blank line between the stanzas. Without signatures or 
catchwords. 

The Text commences with title-line on the second recto, a 
blank leaf having originally preceded it — 

♦ Wt Sfaetpit paruus (ftatfjo . 
<ftu atatmtere qua plurimos fjotes gutter errare 
OTifjan g atmerte to mg remembrance 
&nti see i)oto Me folte erren greuouslg 

"Parvus Catho" terminates in the middle of the third 
recto, 

&2Ej)an ge it refce let not pour ijert fie tijense 
3Sut trotf) as tfjis sattf) tottf) al gour fjole entente 

♦ J^ie fi ni$ parut catfjonis . 

making in all seven stanzas, in " Balad Eoyal." 

"Magnus Catho" immediately follows on the verso, with 
space left for the insertion of a 2-line initial S> with director. 

. Wt ^nctptt magnus OTatfjo ♦ 

S fceus est atmus note bt earmtna trtcut 
Jgtc tttit prectpue fit pura mente colentius 
dFor tfjg tfjat gob is tntoarWg tjje bit 

The Text ends on the 34th verso, 

Jgere fjaue § fontie tfjat sfjal pou gu^e & letre 
£&treigf)t to goto fame antJ leue sou in f)tr Jous 
. m$liiit (Eatfjo ♦ 

The work is in four books, containing 42, 39, 27, and 52 
stanzas of " Balad Royal," each of which is headed by a couplet 
from the original Latin. 

The "distichs" of Cato were very popular for many cen- 
turies. Their author, and even the origin of their title, is 
entirely lost, though some of their stanzas are traced as far 
back as the second or third century of the Christian era. In 



204 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

the middle ages they were used as a school-book, to teach 
Latin, as well as to inculcate moral maxims; so that to be 
unacquainted with " Cato " was synonymous with general 
ignorance. Chaucer continually mentions the work. "He 
knew not Catoun, for his wyt was rude," says the miller of 
the rich "Gnof." These remarks apply to "Magnus Cato" 
only. About 1180 Daniel Churche, an ecclesiastic attached 
to the court of Henry II, added a few Latin precepts as intro- 
ductory to the original, and from that period the two were 
mostly transcribed together, being distinguished as " Parvus 
Cato "and "Magnus Cato." Of the English version, of these 
"distichs" we cannot have a better account than that given 
us by Caxton himself in his preface to " Cathon " glossed ; 
"which book," he says, "hath been translated out of Latin 
into English by Master Benet Burgh, .... which full craftily 
hath made it in Balad Koyal for the erudition of my Lord 
Boucher son and heir at that time to my Lord the Earl of 
Essex." This translation of Benet Burgh is the text printed 
by Caxton, twice in quarto, and once in folio with woodcuts, 
before he undertook the translation of the extensive French 
Gloss, which will be brought to the reader's notice under the 
year 1484. 

"Maister Benet Burgh" was Vicar of Maiden, in Essex, 
when he translated " Cato," as we learn from the colophon in 
Harl. MS., No. 271. He afterwards filled the offices of Arch- 
deacon of Colchester, 1464; Prebendary of St. Paul's, 1472; 
and soon after High Canon of St. Stephen's, Westminster. 
He appears to have been an author as well as a translator. 
The following is the title of a poem in Harl. MS. 7333, folio 
149ft — "A cristemasse game made by Maister Benet: howe 
god almyghty seyde to his apostelys and echeu off them were 
baptiste and none knew of othir, &c." He also appears to 
have written a considerable portion of the poetical translation 
of "De regimine principum" attributed to Lydgate, as we 
infer from Harl. MS. 2251, folio 236, in which occurs this 
side-note, in the same handwriting as the body of the poem — 
"Here deyde the translato r a noble Poet Dane John Lydgate 
And his folower gan his prolog in this wise p' Benedicts 



BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 2. 205 

Burgh." He or Lydgate also wrote an original fourth book 
to " Catho Magnus," which, although not printed by Caxton, 
may be seen in several manuscripts. Kitson, indeed (Bib. 
Poet., page 66), ascribes the whole to Lydgate. 

It does not seem improbable that the printing of " Parvus 
et Magnus Catho " was undertaken by desire of " High Canon 
Burgh," who, holding a canonry in Westminster, was likely to 
have become acquainted with Caxton. 

The only Existing Copy is in the Public Library, Cam- 
bridge (AB. 8. 48. 2). It is perfect, but without the original 
blank leaf, and measures 8J x 5J inches. For an account of 
the volume which contained it, see page 198 ante. 

No. 15. — Parvus Catho. — Magnus Catho. Quarto. Second 
Edition. Sine ulld notd. (Ante 1479.) 

Collation. — Three 4 113 and one 5 11 =34 leaves, of which 
the first was doubtless blank, although wanting in the only 
known copy. 

Typographical Particulars. — The variation in this edition 
is only typographical. The poem is reprinted page for page, 
and line for line, yet the composition of the type is different 
throughout. 

The only Existing Copy known is in the library of the 
Duke of Devonshire, at Chatsworth, where it is bound with 
the quarto edition of "Stans Puer," already described. It 
came from the old library at Hardwicke Hall. In the Harleian 
Catalogue (in. 6202) the above two tracts appear together — 
probably this very copy. 

Ho. 16. — The Horse, the Sheep, and the Goose. — Various 
Stanzas. — The proper application of certain Nouns 
substantive, and Verbs. First Edition. Quarto. 
Sine ulld notd. (Ante 1479.) 

Collation. — One 4 n and one 5 11 = 18 leaves, of which the 
first was doubtless blank, although wanting in the only known 
copy. 

Typographical Particulars. — There is no title-page. The 
type is all No. 2. Eull lines measure 4 inches, and each page 



206 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

contains 23 lines, inclusive of the blank line between the 
stanzas. "Without signatures or catchwords. 

The Horse, the Sheep, and the Goose commences on the 
second recto, the first leaf being blank. 

The Text begins, with space for a 2 -line initial, with 
director, 

t (©ntrebermeg / plees anti tecorte 
2Stttoene persons toere ttoo or tfjre 
Sought out tije grounds U xetoxnw 
W$i% toas tje custom of anttqutte 

On the fourteenth leaf verso, 

&lle in one befell to spefce in tootles $lt$n 
&§at no man sjjoltie of otfjer fjaue tefcagn 

♦Cfjus entretf) tfje fjorse tfje gfjoos & tje stjwp ♦ 

There are in this poem 77 stanzas of seven lines each. 

Various Stanzas follow, ending on the sixteenth recto, the 
verso being occupied with short sentences, as "An herde of 
Hertes. A murther of crowes. A byldyng of rooks," &c. 
The whole ends on the eighteenth verso — 

a <£onj) bnlacetr gf ty tafce tfje lontie fje 

a Jgeron tememfirfo fleets <£:rpltcit 

The only Existing Copy is in the Public Library, Cambridge 
(AB. 8. 48. 4), and was formerly bound, with other pieces, in a 
volume already described at page 51. 

The whole of these fugitive pieces are attributed to the pro- 
lific pen of Dan John Lydgate. 

No. 17. — The Horse, the Sheep, and the Goose. — Various 
Stanzas. — The proper application of certain Nouns 
substantive, and Verbs. Quarto. Second Edition. 
{Ante 1479.) 

Collation. — One 4 11 and one 5 n =i8 leaves, of which the 
first is blank. 

Typographical Particulars. — These are the same as in the 
first edition, with the exception of the orthography and the use 



BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 2. 207 

of a title-line, which in the other edition is altogether wanting, 
a sufficient reason for attributing this to a later period ; for, had 
the first edition been printed with a head-line, we may certainly 
assume that the improved appearance would not have been 
omitted by Caxton in the reprint. In this edition we find the 
sixth leaf, noticed as wanting in the only known copy of the 
first edition. 

The text begins on the second recto, 

&fje fjors . tfje sjepe $c tyt gijoos, 

(©ntreberstes . pirns ana btscorties 

3$tttoene persones toere ttoo or tjre 
Sougfjt out tfje grounds fie records 
€f)ts toas tfje custom of antiptte 

and ends with Explicit on the eighteenth recto. 

There is a fragment of six leaves in the University Library, 
Cambridge, and a perfect copy, with the original leaf, in the 
Cathedral Library, York, a reprint of which was presented by 
Sir M. M. Sykes to the members of the Koxburgh Club. 

No. 18. — Infancia Salvatoeis. Quarto. Without Printer's 
Name, Date, or Place. (147-?) 

Collation. — Eighteen printed leaves, unsigned, with a blank 
both at beginning and end. 

The type is all No. 2. There are 22 lines of uneven length 
to a full page, and a long line measures 3f inches. Without 
signatures, folios, or catchwords. 

The Text begins thus on the recto of the first printed 
leaf :— 

J$tc g nctptt Cractatus qui gntttulatur 
$ nfancta saluatorts ♦ 

Xijt etitctu a (Eesare &ugusto bt be 
e scrtfieretur bntusus otto Jgec autem 

fcescrtpcto prima facta est a preside . 
Sine (ftirmo . <£t tfiant oms ut pfit erentur 
smgult in ctuttatem sua &scen*tt et gosepi) 

and ends with a full page on the eighteenth recto. 



208 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

<£eelesiastict btja . St ftlu tttit sint . erutrt 
tllos et curba tllos a puertcta illor' ♦ St ftlie 
tttt stnt / serua corpus tllar' et non ostentrant 
fjtlarem factum tuam atr tllas . (^regorius ♦ 
<2£uauis q'$ iustus sit . tu in |)ae btta no tiefiet 
esse wui? q? nesett po fine sit tetminatrtms . 

This printed tract differs entirely from the MS. in the 
British Museum, Royal 13 A xiv, "De Xti infantia," but 
agrees partially with the "Evangelium Infantise" attributed 
to St. James, and printed in vol. i of the " Codex apocryphus 
Novi Testamenti," by Fabricius. 

The only Existing Copy known is in the Eoyal University 
Library, Gottingen. It is in good condition, and was pur- 
chased in 1746 of Osborne, for this library, at 15s (?). Ames 
described this very copy when in the library of Lord Oxford, 
but neither Herbert nor Dibdin could hear of its existence, 
nor discover it in the Harleian Catalogue. It is there never- 
theless, among the " Libri Latini. Quarto," and thus described, 
"Infantia Salvatoris Tractatus, corio turcico, deaurat. Lond. 
apud Caxton, sine Loco." (See Catalogue Bibliothecce Har- 
leiance, vol. v, page 252, No. 7008.) 



No. 19. — The Temple of Glass. Quarto. Sine ulld notd. 
(Ante 1479.) 

Collation. — Three 4 ns and one 5* unsigned, or 34 leaves, 
of which the 1st is (?) blank. 

Typographical Particulars. — .There is no title-page. The 
type is No. 2 only. Full lines measure 4 inches, and each page 
contains 23 lines. Without signatures or catchwords. 

After the blank the poem commences on the 2nd recto, with 
space for a 2-line initial, with director : — 

♦ Cfje temple of glas . 

t <©r tjjougljt constregnt & gteuous fjeugnes 

dFtft penstffje* an* ijtgi) totres 
2To firtj 3 bent noto tfjt's otfjet; nggijt 



BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 2. 209 

The Text ends at the foot of the 34th recto, 

§ mtm tfjat fienggne antr gooolg of face 
i&oto go tljg bag anfi put tije in jet grace 

. <&rpltctt tfje temple of glas ♦ 

There seems no doubt that this was one of the less favoured 
compositions of Dan John, although by some writers it has 
been attributed to Hawes. It was reprinted by Wynken de 
Worde. 

The only Existing Copy is in the Public Library, Cambridge 
(AB. 8. 48. 5). It is perfect, excepting the blank (?) leaf, and 
was formerly bound with other pieces in a volume already 
described at page 201. Measurement 8 J x 5 J inches. 

Xo. 20. — The Chorle and the Bird. Quarto. First Edition. 
Sine ulld notd. {Ante 1479.) 

Collation. — One 5 11 , or 10 leaves, of which the 1st is blank. 

Typographical Particulars. — There is no title-page. The 
type used is ISTo. 2 only. Full lines measure 4 inches, and each 
page contains three verses of " Balad Royal," or 23 lines, in- 
cluding a blank line between the stanzas. Without signatures 
or catchwords. 

After the blank the poem commences on the 2nd recto, space 
being left, with a director, for the insertion of a 2-line initial. 

The Text begins thus : — 

p l&ofclemes of oltre itttnes antr figures 
SEHfHcfje prou£& ten fructuo 9 of sentence 

The Text ends on the 10th verso, 

<§oo litell quaper antr recomanfce me 
2Hnto mg matster tottf) fjumfile affection 
3Sesefce fjgm lotolg of mercg anfc pgte 
<&f tt)g rirtie mafcgng to fjaue compassion 



210 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

&n* as touching tf)g translation 
<©ut of frenssf) / job tijat f)it engttssJ)i* tie 
Elle tfjtng is sat* bn*er correction 
SMitj) supportacion of f)ts fcenggngte 

♦ Explicit tl)e cfjorle an* tfje Jiir*e . 

This fable is always included among the compositions of 
Lydgate. It was reprinted by Pynson, and a copy in the 
Grenville Library (11226) has the following autograph note : — 
"The same story is told by Alphonsus in his fable of the 
labourer and the nightingale, and in Gesta Romanorum, cap. 
169." A perfect copy is at Cambridge, taken from the volume 
of poems already described at p. 201, and a fragment is in the 
British Museum. 



Xo. 21. — The Chorle and the Bird. Quarto. Second Edition. 
Sine ulld notd. {Ante 1479.) 

The similarity of these two editions is exact so far as the 
number of stanzas, number of lines to a page, and the general 
state of the text ; but there is an evident variation in the 
typographical niinutise, such as the omission of the director, the 
use of full-points and colons as ornamentation, and above all 
the constant variation in orthography. Take the 1st line as an 
example : — 

Ed. 1. p iftofilemes of ol*e lifcnes an* figures 
Ed. 2. rofelemes of ol*e Itfcnes an* figures 

and the last line, 

Ed. 1. , Explicit tfje djorle an* tfje fitr*e ♦ 

Ed. 2. Explicit tfje <£i)orie an* tlje t)it*e . : . 

The only known Existing Copy is in the Chapter Library at 
York. It is perfect, with the original blank. A reprint from 
this copy was presented to the Roxburghe Club by Sir M. M. 
Sykes. 



BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 2. 211 

No. 22. — The Temple of Brass, or the Parliament of 
Fowls. Some Balads. Envoy of Chaucer to 
Skogan. Quarto. Sine ulld notd. {Ante 1479.) 

Typographical Particulars. — There is no title-page. The 
type used is No. 2 only. Full lines measure 3I inches, instead 
of 4 inches, as in the former pieces, and each page contains 23 
lines. Without signatures or catchwords. 

The Text begins on the first recto, without a blank leaf, — 

f)e Xgf so sfjort tfje craft so lege to lerne 
Cfjassage 00 jarfc so sfjarp tje conquering 

On the 17th recto, 

implicit tfje temple of firas 

The Tract ends on 24th verso, 

SHas neuer erst scogan filameti for tte toge 

Doubtless the poem did not end here, but the copy at 
Cambridge is imperfect, having only 24 leaves, besides which 
there are a few leaves at the British Museum, but no perfect 
copy has yet been discovered. 



No. 23. — The Book of Courtesy. Quarto. First Edition. 
Sine ulld notd. (Ante 1479.) 

Collation. — One 4 11 and one 3 n =i4 leaves, of which the 
last is blank. 

Typographical Particulars. — There is no title-page. The 
type is all No. 2. Full lines measure 3 J inches. 23 lines to a 
page, including a blank line between the stanzas. Without 
signatures or catchwords. 

The Text begins thus : — 

I £tgl Sfoiw sptf) pour tenure enfancpe 
Stontieti) as pet bntier / in difference 
C bice or bertu to meugn or applge 



212 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

The Text ends on the 13 th recto, 

&ntr fjoto to fmrte / Ipetl) euer in a toagte 
l£epe gout pager/ tfjat it tie not tfjer feagte 

Explicit tje tiooit of curtesy 

The 13 th verso and the 14th leaf are blank. 

The only Existing Copy is in the Public Library, Cam- 
bridge (AB. 8. 48. 7), and was formerly in the volume of tracts 
described at page 201. 



No. 24. — Queen Anelida and False Arcyte. — The complaint 
of Chaucer to his Purse. Quarto. Sine ulld notd. 
(Ante 1479.) 

Collation. — One 5 n or 10 leaves, all printed. 

Typographical Particulars. — There is no title-page. The 
type is No. 2 only. Pull lines measure 3! inches, 23 lines to 
a page. Without signatures or catchwords. Space is left at 
the commencement for a 2 -line initial. 

The Text begins :— 

t fjou fters 90*1 of armes / mars tf)e retre 

2£f)at in tf)e frostg contre called trace 

OTiitjjin tjg s^gslg temple full of fcrety 

The Text ends on the 9th recto, 

Ji^oto tjjat arcite / anelrtm so sore 
Jgati) tfjtrleti tottj) ttje pegnt of remeferace 

CJus enfteti) tj)e complegnt of aneltoa 

On the same page is Chaucer's " Complaint to his Purse," 
in three stanzas of " Balad Royal," the tract ending with 

<&t sic est finis 

on the 10th recto. 

The only Existing Copy known is in the Public Library, 
Cambridge, and was formerly in the volume of tracts described 
at page 201. 



BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 2. 213 

No. 25. BOETHIUS DE CONSOLACIONE PHILOSOPHIC, TRANSLATED 

into English by Geoffrey Chaucer. Folio. " I 
William Caxton have done my devoir to enprinte it." 
Without Place or Date. (Ante 1479.) 

Collation. — Eleven 4 ns and one 3"= 94 leaves, of which the 
first is blank. 

Typographical Particulars. — Without title - page, signa- 
tures, catchwords, or folios. Two types are used, No. 2 for 
the body and No. 3 for the Latin quotations. The lines are 
not spaced to one length. Full lines measure 5 inches, and 
there are 29 to a page. Space has been left at the commence- 
ment of chapters for the insertion of 2-line initials. 

After a blank leaf the Text commences with the title in 
Latin in type No. 3, on the 2nd recto, the English translation 
being uniformly in type No. 2 : — 

ISoecius tie consolacione pfjilosopfjie 

OTarmtna qui quondam stutuo florente peregi 
dFlefctlts Jjeu mestos cogor tntre motion 

a Elas § toepgmg am nmstramefc to fieggnne bets 
of soroufull materr Cjat tojglom in flourishing 
stutige matie Mttafcle tittees / dFor lo renting muses of 

On the 93rd recto, third line, 

egen of tfje fugge tfjat seetf) an* also tfjat tiemetf) alle 

tinges 7 Heo gracias 

Explicit fioectus tre 
consolaeione pf)tlosopf)te 

Caxton has added an interesting epilogue, which occupies the 
remainder of the recto and the whole of the verso, being fol- 
lowed, on the 94th recto, by the " Epitaphiu Galfridi Chaucer," 
printed in type No. 3, which concludes on the verso, and the 
last few lines of which are : — 

^ost outturn (ttaxton bolutt te btuere cura 
TOUlleimu (Eljaucer ciare poeta tuj 
Jiam tua non solum compresstt opuscula formis 
%as quoq? s? lauties . iussit f)tc esse tuas 



214 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

This epitaph was written by a brother poet, Stephen 
Surigo, Lie. Deer., of Milan, and is most interesting as show- 
ing, in connection with the previous epilogue from the pen of 
Caxton himself, that not only did he perpetuate the memory 
of the great poet by printing his works, but that he also 
raised a public monument to his memory before St. Benet's 
Chapel, in Westminster Abbey, in the shape of a pillar sup- 
porting a tablet upon which the above " Epitaphye " was 
written. 

There are few ancient authors whose works received greater 
attention in the fifteenth century than those of Boethius. M. 
Paris gives an account of five different translations of the "De 
Consolatione " into French verse, all of that age, and contained 
in the Bib. Imp., Paris. 

Every library of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, of 
which we have any account, appears to have contained a copy : 
many had several. In the Ducal Library, Bruges, 1467, was 
a manuscript with this title, "Boece de Consolacion en 
englois," which is not unlikely to have been the translation of 
Chaucer. 

Some writers, and among them Dibdin (" Typ. Ant." Yol. I, 
page 306), have doubted whether Chaucer was the real trans- 
lator of the version under review, but none of the manuscripts 
attribute it to any other writer ■ and, not to quote the express 
mention of it in the "Retractation," Chaucer himself includes 
it among his works in the following couplet (line 425) from the 
" Legend of Good Women : " — 

And for to speke of other holynesse 
He hath in prose translated Boece. 

In this translation Chaucer appears to have chosen the 
original Latin for his text. He certainly did not take it from 
any of the French versions noticed above, nor from those 
described by M. Paris ; nor is it, as Dibdin suggests, from the 
anonymous translation printed by Colard Mansion in 1477. 
But from whatever source derived, it was, if we may judge 
from the many copies extant, very favourably received. Our 



BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 2. 215 

printer especially took great delight in what he terms the 
" ornate and fayr " language of the poet, and in the epilogue to 
his edition he has left us a most interesting tribute of his 
admiration. 

There are three copies of this book in the British Museum 
one at Cambridge, two at the Bodleian, one at Exeter, and 
one at Magdalen College, Oxford; one at Ripon Minster, one 
at Sion College, London, and six in private hands. The copy 
discovered at the St. Alban's Grammar School was sold to the 
British Museum, and was remarkable for the largest " find " 
of printed fragments in the boards with which the book was 
bound, ever recorded.* 



* An account of this discovery may be found interesting, showing 
strongly the importance of examining the covers of old books before 
rejecting them. In the summer of 1858 I inspected the old library in 
the Grammar School attached to the Abbey of St. Albans. I found a 
few valuable books all contained in an old deal cupboard, upon which 
the leakage from the roof had dripped apparently for years. It must 
have been long since any one had touched a book there, and the amount 
of dust and decay was certainly enough to deter even a bibliomaniac 
from so doing. After examining a few interesting books I pulled out 
one which was lying flat upon the top of others. It was in a most 
deplorable state, covered thickly with a damp sticky dust, and with a 
considerable portion of the back rotted away by wet. The white decay 
fell in lumps on the floor as the unappreciated volume was opened. It 
proved to be Geoffrey Chaucer's English translation of "Boecius de 
Consolatione Philosophic," printed by Caxton, in the original binding, 
as issued from Caxton's workshop, and uncut ! ! On examining the 
amount of damage it had sustained, I found that the wet, which had 
injured the book, had also, by separating the layers of paper of which 
the covers were composed, revealed the interesting fact that several 
fragments, on which Caxton's types appeared, had been used in their 
manufacture. After vexatious opposition and repeated delays the Acting 
Trustees were induced to allow the book, which they now prized highly, 
to be deposited in the care of Mr. J. Winter Jones, of the British 
Museum, for the purpose of rebinding. On dissecting the covers they 
were found to be composed entirely of waste sheets from Caxton's press, 
two or three being printed on one side only. The two covers yielded no 
less than fifty-six half-sheets of printed paper, proving the existence of 
three works from Caxton's press quite unknown before. The following 
is the list of the fragments, all genuine specimens of England's first 
printer, though unfortunately mostly in very poor condition : — 



216 



WILLIAM CAXTON. 



Xo. 26. — Coed yale, or the Four Last Things. Folio. 
With Printer's Name, hut without Place. March 24th, 
1479. 

Collation. — Nine 4 ns and one 3"= 78 leaves, of which the 
1st and last are blank. 

Typographical Particulars. — There is no title-page. Two 
types are used, Nos. 2* and 3, the latter for proper names 
and Latin only. The lines are not spaced out to one length. 
A full line measures 5 inches. Mostly 29 lines to a page, 
but sometimes 28. Without signatures, catchwords, or folios. 
Space left for the insertion of 3 and 4-line initials, with 
director. Commencing with a blank leaf the prologue of the 
translator follows on the 2nd recto, space being left for a 
4-line &. 

The Text begins thus : — 

prologue of tfje ^Translator* 

IL Sngratttufte btterlg settgng apart / toe otoe 
a to calle to our mgnties tfje mangfoltre ggftes 

of grace / tottf) tfje fienefatttts ♦ tjat our lortie 
of Jjts moost plenttueuse fconte Jatf) £men bs 
toretcljes m tf)ts present transttotre Itf . SHfjtcfje Iftemem 

The Text ends with twenty lines on the 77 th verso, the last 
eight of which are — 



I. 


The English " Jason," ten 


8. 


" Temple of Brass," fourteen 




leaves. 




leaves. 


2. 


"Dictes," three leaves. 


9- 


"The Chorle and the Bird," 

two leaves. 


3* 


" Chronicles," six leaves. 


10. 


"The Horse, the Sheep, and 


4- 


" Description of Britain," eight 




the Goose," four leaves. 




leaves. 


n. 


" Horse beatceVirginis" (unique), 


5. 


" Curia Sapientise " (extremely 




four leaves. 




rare), two leaves. 


12. 


" Pica Sarum " (unique), eight 
leaves. 


6. 


" Tulle," seven leaves. 


13- 


" An Indulgence of Pope Sixtus 


7- 


Lyclgate's "Life of our Lady," 




IV," two slips of parchment 




two leaves. 




(unique V 



BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 2. 217 

lasting permanence in fjeuen &men ♦ TOfjtcfje toerlte pre^ 
sent $ fiegan tj)e morn after tfje satoe ^urtficacionof our 
Mmtis Hatig . 3MJ)tcJ)e toas tlje tj)e fcage of Setnt ^lase 
IStssjjop an* JEarttr • &nft fitniss|et» on tfje euen of tfjan 
nunctaaon of our satt fittoto Eatrg falling on tf)e toeo 
nesfiag tlje xxiiii fcage of iHarcfje ♦ 3?n tije ra #eer ^ 
Itgng ©titoartte tfje fourtfje 

The 78 th leaf, which closes the volume, is blank. 

The French edition of this work (see page 185, ante) was, 
if similarity of workmanship in all points may justify the 
conclusion, before the printer while at work upon this, the 
English, edition. 

Dr. Dibdin, to whom the French edition was unknown, says 
that Earl Eivers translated from the Latin; but as all the 
other productions of the Earl's pen printed by Caxton were 
from the French, there would be strong grounds for supposing 
that this had come through the same channel, were not the fact 
established by its not being a literal translation of any Latin 
edition, while it is an accurate reproduction, line for line and 
almost word for word, of the French edition. 

About the date also there has been some confusion. Mait- 
taire and Panzer attribute the printing to 1478, Lewis to 1479, 
Dibdin to 1480; and Lord Orford thinks Caxton, unless he 
was two years employed upon it, has made a typographical 
error in the date. The dates in reality are very plain. 
Caxton says that Lord Rivers delivered the English translation 
to him to be printed, upon the day of "The Purification," 
which is further stated to have been the 2nd day of February, 
1478; but as the year did not then begin until the 25th of 
March, it would, according to the present reckoning, be Feb- 
ruary, 1479. The printing was begun the very next day, on 
the "morning after the said Purification," and completed upon 
the 24th day of March, in the nineteenth year of Edward IV. 
This regnal year was comprised between March 4th, 1479, and 
March 3rd, 1480, thus again giving the year 1479 ^ or tne com " 
pletion of the book. From this it is evident that instead of 
taking over two years for the printing it occupied Caxton just 



218 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

seven weeks. The epilogue to this book was written entirely 
by Caxton. 

For the literary history of " Cordyale," see the remarks on 
" Les Quatre Derrenieres Choses," already noticed. 

Copies are in the British Museum, Cambridge, Bodleian, 
and Hunterian Museum, Glasgow. Five are in private 
libraries. 

No. 27. — Fratris Laurentii Gulielmi de Saona Margarita 
Eloquently castigate ad eloquendum divina accom- 
modata. Folio. Sine ulld notd. (1479-80?) 

Collation. — One 3 11 , one sheet, eleven 5 113 , and one 3 11 — 
124 leaves. 

Typographical Particulars. — There is no title - page. 
Type No. 2* only is used. The lines, of which there are 29 
to a page, are in most cases of uneven length, although in some 
pages they are spaced out very regularly. Long lines measure 
5 inches. Without signatures or catchwords. Space is left, 
with a director, for the insertion of initials 3 or 4 lines in 
depth. The hyphen is in this volume not unfrequently used 
instead of the / or / , as a mark of punctuation. Chapters 
generally commence with a line, or two or three words, in 
capital letters; and the ends of paragraphs are often orna- 
mented with an array of points ; for instance, .:*:♦:*:. 

The Text begins on the 1st recto, with the prohemium, — 

dFratrts laurenctj gtttlelmt *e sacma ortrmts 
mm face tfjeo* ttocto pfjemtu t tuma ttfjotca 
c 

(©fittantt micfjt sepenumero-ac titltgenct 9 con- 
templatt q'tu comotutatts q'tuq^ jsplentorts & slorte aff ettc 

On the 5 th verso, 
On the 53rd recto, 

touce facilitate : fn quo spectalttet attctor agtt tie fws que 



BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. z. 219 

The Second Book ends and the Third begins on the 83rd 
recto, 

$ iBt<&S ISC 3L3&®U teretus rfjetortee facttlta 

On the 135th recto is a concluding chapter, the Text ending, 
on the verso of the 136th leaf, thus : — 

in trinttate perfeeta itiuit et regnat pet rnftmta secula seen- 
lorum . %LM<&& ♦ 

Explicit lifier terctus : et opus rfjetortce faeultatts p fta 
tre laurentiu (^utielmt toe Saona ortrmts minor sacre pa 
gine pfesore ex toictis testimonijsqtf sacratissimar seriptu- 
rat / tooetor<# pfiattssimor compilatu et 9firmatu : piims 
ex causts eensutt appeilantou fore Jtflargaritam elopentie 
eastigate ato eloquentou totuina aceomotoatam 

(tfompilatu ant' futt Joe opus in alma uniuersitate <Kan 
tafcrigie ♦ &nno tint . 14 A 8 toie et . 6 , gulit . po tote 
tatum Sanete Jftartjje reeoltt^ g>ufi proteetione Senissi 
mt regis anglorum (£touartoi parti 

Eemaeks. — There can be no doubt in the mind of any one 
acquainted with the Westminster books that this issued from 
Caxton's press. It agrees with them not only in character of 
type, but in length of line, depth of page, and other typo- 
graphical peculiarities. Nor is there much uncertainty about 
the date. It was not written till July, 1478, and the first 
dated book in the types with which it is printed (Type No. 2*) 
made its first appearance in March, 1479, tne latest dated book 
in the preceding Type (No. 2) being February, 1478. In 1480 
Caxton discontinued entirely the practice of leaving his lines 
of an uneven length, but the majority of pages in this volume 
have their lines uneven. The book was therefore printed after 
July, 1478, and before or very early in 1480. 

It is worthy of notice, that about the same time that Caxton, 
at Westminster, was engaged upon this work, the printer- 
schoolmaster at St. Albans was also making it one of the first 
essays of his press. There certainly was not a longer period 



220 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

than two years and a half between the two editions, which, so 
far as the text goes, agree very closely, the St. Alban's printer 
having apparently reprinted from the edition by Caxton. 

It is also very remarkable that this work should have been 
known and described for more than 150 years, yet never till 
October, 1861, recognised as the production of Caxton's press. 
In the Public Library, Cambridge, is a volume of documents 
relating to Corpus Christi College, which was used by Strype 
for his Life of Archbishop Parker; and among them is a 
catalogue of the books bequeathed by the Archbishop to the 
library of that College. At folio 255 is the following entry 
under the general head of "Books in parchment closures as 
they lye on heaps on the upmost shelves : " — " Rethorica nova 
impressa Canteb. fo. 1478." Strype, in his Life of Parker, 
misled by this entry, attributed the book to an early press at 
Cambridge; and Bagford, writing to Tanner in 1707, says, "I 
cannot but impart unto you, that very lately good Mr. Strype 
hath gave me an account of a booke which archbishop- Parker 
gave to the Publick library of Benet college, and is a piece of 
rethorick, by one Gul. de Saona, a minorit, printed at Cam- 
bridge, 1478." Ames, who only knew the book from these 
accounts, and a facsimile of the beginning and end sent him by 
Mr. North, placed this work at the head of the list of Cambridge 
books in his Typographical Antiquities, 1749, and gave an 
engraving of North's facsimile ; which led him to state that 
"the types were much like Caxton's largest." Herbert merely 
repeated the account of Ames ; and thus it was reserved for 
Mr. Bradshaw in consulting the library of Corpus Christi 
College for another purpose, to examine the volume and to 
recognise the interesting fact that, although compiled at Cam- 
bridge in the year 1478, it was printed with the unmistakeable 
types of Caxton, and agreed in typographical particulars with 
the books issued from the Westminster press between 1479-80. 

Laurentius Gulielmus de Traversanis, of Saona (or Savona, as 
it is more commonly called), was born about 141 4. His native 
city, not very far from Genoa, is better known as the birthplace 
of Christopher Columbus. He entered the Franciscan Convent 
there under Francesco di Rovere, afterwards Pope Sixtus IV. 



BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 2. 221 

He studied at the universities of Padua, Bologna, Cambridge, 
and Paris, and seems finally to have retired to his own convent 
at Savona, where he died, and to which he was a great bene- 
factor. Wadding (Scriptores Ord. Min. folio, Komse, 1650) 
mentions several of his works. 

Besides the copy mentioned above, there is one at the Uni- 
versity Library, Upsala, both being in perfect condition. 

No. 28. — The Dictes and Sayings of the Philosophers. 
" Emprynted by me William Caxton at Westmestre." 
Folio. Second Edition. Dated i/tfi, but printed about 
1480. With Colophon. 

Collation. — Eighty, and two 3™ = 76 leaves, of which the 
1st is blank. 

Typographical Particulars. — There is no title - page. 
Type No. 2* only is used. The lines are nearly always spaced 
out to an even length, and measure 5 inches ; 29 lines to a 
full page. Without signatures, folios, or catchwords. Space 
is left at the beginning of chapters for the insertion of 3-line 
initials. 

The difference between this and the 1st edition (see page 
188, ante) is considerable. That was printed from the original 
fount of type No. 2 ; this from a re-casting of the same fount, 
showing many alterations in the punches. (See the remarks on 
type No. 2, page 102, ante.) That has the pages throughout the 
volume very uneven as to the length of the line ; this nearly 
always even. TJtat, with the unique exception of the Althorpe 
copy, is without the colophon ; this has the colophon in every 
copy. Lastly, the orthography varies throughout the whole 
volume. 

We must here notice the first instance of a practice common 
among the early printers, and doubtless inherited from the 
scribes, namely, that of reprinting in subsequent editions the 
colophons and dates strictly applicable to the 1st edition only. 
Thus the three editions of "Dictes and Sayings," which issued 
from Caxton's printing office, all bear the same date of imprint, 
November, 1477, while we know that type No. 2*, in which 



222 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

the 2nd edition is printed, was not used till after February, 
1478, and type No. 6, in which the 3rd edition is printed, was 
not in use till about 1488. 

The literary history of "Dictes and Sayings" has been 
already recounted at page 189, ante. 

Copies are in the British Museum, Trinity College, Dublin, the 
library of the Duke of Devonshire, and Gottingen University. 

No. 29. — Letters of Indulgence issued by John Kendal 

IN 1480, BY AUTHORITY OF POPE SlXTUS IV, FOR ASSIS- 
TANCE at the Siege of Ehodes. On parchment. 

Typographical Particulars. — The type is No. 2* only, but 
from the warping of the skin assumes in many parts a very 
deceptive appearance. The lines, which are considerably ex- 
tended, but all of one length, measure 9J inches. The large 
4-line wooden initial is to be noticed as being in all probability 
the earliest instance of printed initials in this country ; they 
certainly do not appear in any book for which this type was 
used. The whole of the document occupies 19 long lines, of 
which the following are the beginning and end : — 

?&ater gofjannegi fcentiale Curctpelertus Wjotit ac 
jp commtssarms & sancttsstmo in xprtsto patre | et 
<p fcomtno nostro fcomtno g>irto tuutna protttoencia 
papa parto t\ btpre ittterarum suarum pro expe- 1 
Utttone contra pcrftte turrfjos xprtettam nomtnts fjostes . 
in tiefenstonem tnsulc Wysfoi & fitin catfjolt- | tt facta tt 
factcnfta concessarum afo mfrasctpta p bntuersinn orient 

tiCpUtatUS . ©tlCCt' nOutg in XpO | Symoni Mountfort et 

Emme vxori ei s g>alute in tmo semptterna ^rouentt ex tue 
tieuottonijs affectu po romana | * * * * * 
§n por' fttiem i)as rras nostras Stcjillt nostrt ap | 
pension? munitas fieri tussimus at<# mantoauimus . Bat' 

ultimo die Mesis marcij &nmi tfOtttmi | jfHtllCStmO pate 

ringentesimo octogesimo 

Remarks. — The following particulars concerning John Ken- 
dal are gathered from an article in Arcliceologia, vol. xxvii, page 



BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 2. 223 

172, written by Sir F. Madden, and entitled "Documents 
relating to Perkin Warbeck." 

In a deposition made by one Bernard de Vignoles, at Rouen 
in 1495, concerning a plot against the king's life, one of the 
persons implicated was John Kendal, Grand Prior of the Order 
of St. John of Jerusalem in England. He is also remarkable 
as having been the subject of the earliest contemporary English 
medal in existence, which is dated 1480, the period of the 
Siege of Rhodes. On this he is styled " Turcopolier," or 
General of the Infantry of the Order, the office of which was 
annexed to that of Grand Prior of England. Yet although 
the medal so designates him, it is not probable that he was 
actually present at the siege, as in that very year (Rymer, 
April, 1480) Edward IV ordered all persons to assist John 
Kendal, in Ireland, in procuring aid and money against the 
Turks. In this proclamation he is styled " Turcopolier of 
Rhodes, and locum tenens of the Grand Master in Italy, 
England, Elanders, and Ireland." In Browne- Willis (Mit. 
Abb.) Kendal appears in 149 1 and 1501 as Prior of the 
Hospital of St. John of Jerusalem in London. He was lieu- 
tenant of the Grand Master in Italy, England, Flanders, and 
Ireland, and was amply furnished with indulgences and pardons 
for all who gave personal service. In this office of recruiting 
he was occupied at the time of the celebrated Siege of Rhodes 
in 1480. His arms, impaled with those of England, may still 
be seen on the walls of an hotel at Rhodes. 

In the Numismatic department of the British Museum is 
a medal connected with John KendaL Obv. Bust of Kendal 
in armour marked with the cross of the Knights of St. John ; 
head bare; hair straight and long; legend, 10. kendal rhodi 
tvrcvpelarivs. Rev. Arms of Kendal. Cross of St. John in 
Chief. Legend, ^ tempore obsidionis tvrchorvm mcccclxxx. 

There are probably two Existing Copies, although but one 
is at present known. This is in the British Museum (C. 18, 
e. 2), and was purchased in 1845. The blank space for the 
name is filled in with " Symoni Mountfort et Emme vxori ei s , 
and it is dated the last day of March, 1480. 

The Rev. Joseph Hunter noticed the existence of this 



224 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

" Indulgence," and wrote to Herbert about it, but it was not 
then recognised as a production of Caxton's press ; and, although 
from the same types, must have been another copy, as the blanks 
in that were filled in with the names of Richard Cattlyn and 
John Cattlyn, April 16th, 1480. 

No. 30. — Parvus et Magnus Chato. Folio. Sine ulld notd. 
With Woodcuts. Third Edition. (1481 ?) 

Collation. — a ft t 4 ns , tf 2 n =28 leaves, of which a ) is 
blank. 

Typographical Particulars. — There is no title-page. Two 
sizes of type occur. No. 2* and No. 3, the latter being 
used for the Latin couplets as well as the "Incipit" and 
"Explicit" lines. Length of long lines 4! inches; 29 lines 
to a page. Signatures are met here for the first time, lower- 
case letters and Roman numerals being used. Without folios 
or catchwords. 

Commencing with a blank leaf the title-line follows, on a tf 
recto, in Type No. 3. The text begins thus : — 

ffitc mctptt partius <£i)ato 

( Woodcut of Four Pupils, one of ivhom wears a fool's cap, kneding before a 
Tutor, who, rod in hand, sits in a high-backed chair.) 

2Em ata atiuettere quam turns grautter mare 
312Et)an $ atmerte in mg rememfctaunce 
%LriK see fjoto sele fcilte mm greuouslg 

On sig. a ttt( recto > 

OTifjan ge it retre let not put Ijerte fie tjjenee 
3Sut fcotj) as tfjts sagtf) tottf) al gout entente 
3^tc finix patut catfjonts 

( Woodcut of Five Pupils kneeling before their Tutor, who, seated in a chair, 
is teaching them from a book upon a lectern before him.) 

" Parvus Chato " contains 7 stanzas, and is followed, on sig. 
a Hi verso, by 

J^tc tnctptt magnus (ftijato 



BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 2. 225 

The Text ends, on 4th recto of sig. fo — 

y$m jaue 3f ftmtt tfjat sfjal £e ouptre antr letre 
Streggfjt to gootJ fame & leue gou in f)gr {jous 

(Explicit <Ef)ato 

Eemarks. — The Text is evidently a reprint from one of the 
early editions in quarto (see pages 202 and 205, ante), and was 
by no means intended as a kind of "supplement " to the " Cathon 
glossed," printed a year or two later by Caxton, as supposed by 
Dr. Dibdin in Typ. Ant, vol. i, page 201. 

Two very rude woodcuts add to the interest of this volume ; 
one being at the beginning and one at the end of the " Parvus 
Chato." The same cuts also appear in the "Mirrour of 
the World," which raises the question of precedency. Here, at 
first sight, one would give priority to the " Mirrour," as the cuts 
appear newer and cleaner ; but this is very deceptive, depending 
more upon the amount of ink and pressure used than on the 
condition of the cuts. The breakage of some of the lines in 
the " Mirrour " is a much more sure sign, and this tells strongly 
in favour of "Parvus Chato." The greater appropriateness of 
the designs to the "Parvus Chato," a boy's book, than to the 
illustration of grammar and logic as in the " Mirrour," leads to 
the same conclusion. It is therefore considered that these two 
cuts were designed originally for the " Parvus Chato," which in 
that case must have been printed previously to the " Mirrour," 
1481. 

There is nothing to induce us to attribute to foreign artists 
the production of these woodcuts, which show no amount 
of skill either in design or execution, which is not far sur- 
passed in the undoubted productions of English scribes and 
miniature painters of the same period. They may, therefore, 
be considered as probably the earliest specimens of wood-engrav- 
ing in England. 

Two perfect copies are known : one in St. John's College, 
Oxford, and the other at Althorpe. 



226 WILLIAM CAXTON. 



No. 31. — The Mirrour of the World. Folio. First Edition. 
Translated 1 48 1. Woodcuts. Without Printer's Name, 
Date or Place, but in 1481. 

Collation.— a &Cfcefgl)tttImare 4 ns , tt is a 2 n = 
100 leaves, of which a 1 and the verso of it 4 are blank. 

Typographical Particulars. — There is no title-page. The 
only type used is No. 2*. A full page contains 29 lines, which 
are fully spaced out and measure 4 j inches. "Without folios 
or catchwords. Signatures in lower-case letters and Arabic 
numerals. The number of woodcuts is 34. After the first 
(blank) leaf the " Table " commences on sig. a 2 recto. 

The Text begins thus : — 



'O 



J^ere fieggtmeti) tfje tafile of tj)e tutrices of tf)ig presen 
te bolitme ttameft tje iEtrrour of tfje toorlfi or tfjgmage 
of ti)e same 

and ends on the 4th recto of sig. VL f the verso being blank, 

fjeltfje, &ntr after tfjts sfjort & ttansttorge Igf Jje firgnge 
Ijgm an* bs m to fjis celestgal fclgsse in Jjeuene Emen / 

Eemarks. — The origin of this work cannot be traced very 
satisfactorily; but as showing a much better acquaintance 
with the cosmology of the world than any previous compo- 
sition, it may be interesting to examine the evidence of its 
authorship. 

Yincent de Beauvais, of the Order of Preaching Friars, 
who, from the dedication attached to several of his produc- 
tions, appears to have flourished in the reign of St. Louis, 
composed an extensive work in Latin, consisting of four parts 
— " Speculum Naturale," " Speculum Doctrinale," " Speculum 
Historiale," and " Speculum Morale." The whole was entitled 
"Speculum majus," for the following reason, given in the third 
chapter of the First Book, "Majus autem, ad differentiam parvi 
libelli jamdudum editi, cujus titulus Speculum vel Imago 
mundi, in quo scilicet hujus mundi sensibilis dispositio et 



BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 2. 227 

ornatus paucis verbis describitur. M. Daunou thinks that the 
"parvus libellus" here referred to was the "Imago Mundi" 
from which " Lymage du Monde " was translated, and that it 
was a previous composition of Vincent de Beauvais ; and Mont- 
faucon quotes a manuscript in the St. Germain Collection 
(Fonds Latin, 926) in support of the same view, in which we 
read " Iste liber intitulatus Speculum vel Imago Mundi editus 
a fratre. Vincentio ordinis fratrum predicatorum." But Vin- 
cent's reference to a Speculum Mundi, " jamdudum editus," by- 
no means suggests that he wrote that as well as his own ; and 
unfortunately as no copy is known, the fact even of its agree- 
ment with "Lymage du Monde" cannot be verified. The 
manuscript quoted by Montfaucon is no evidence at all, as M. 
Paris, on examination, found it to be identical with the " Spe- 
culum Historiale," or the Third Part of Vincent's " Speculum 
Majus," which is by no means " a rational description of the 
world and its products shortly described." The compilation of 
" Speculum Mundi," from Vincent's " Speculum Naturale," as 
suggested by Greswell, is equally far from the truth. Although 
no copy of the Latin " Speculum vel Imago Mundi," referred 
to by Vincent, is known, there appears little reason to doubt 
that it existed in the thirteenth century. Perhaps an earlier 
copy of the Latin manuscript in the Cotton Library, (Vesp. E. 
in., ssec. xiv.) may have formed the foundation of the French 
version, although in that case, as in Vignay's translation of the 
"Chess Book," considerable additions have been made. The 
history of the "Mirrour of the World" may be summed up 
thus : — Before the middle of the thirteenth century an unknown 
author wrote in Latin " Speculum vel Imago Mundi ; " of this 
no copy has yet been recognised (Cotton, Vesp. E 111?) In 
1245 this was turned into French metre for the Duke of Berry, 
of which manuscripts in several libraries attest the popularity 
(Sloane 2435 ; Royal 20, A in). Shortly afterwards the French 
metre was turned into French prose, probably by "Maistre 
Gossouin." (Royal 19, A. ix; Bib. Imp., Paris, No. 7070). 
Here we find the Text used by Caxton for his translation, who 
even adopted a considerable portion of the French prologue, 
without the least acknowledgment. Who this "Gossouin" or 



228 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

" Gossevin " was, and whether he was the author or only the 
scribe, is quite unknown. 

The celebrated Cardinal Pierre d'Ailly compiled, in 1409, a 
work entitled "Tractatus de yniagine mundi" (Harl. MS. 637), 
which, however, is principally astronomical, having little in 
common with the work under review. 

The publishing of this book was not a speculation on 
Caxton's part. He was employed, as we learn from the pro- 
logue, to translate and probably to print it by Hugh Brice, 
citizen, alderman of London, and in after years mayor, who 
wished to make a present to Lord Hastings. To adorn, as well 
as illustrate the pages, the art of the wood-engraver was em- 
ployed, and we may consider the figures here displayed as some 
of the earliest specimens of that art in England. The designs 
were borrowed from the manuscript copy, the illuminations in 
the French manuscripts showing the same treatment. All the 
copies issued from Caxton's press have the words necessary for 
the explanation of the diagrams inserted with the pen, instead 
of being engraved on the wood, which may perhaps be an argu- 
ment for their home execution, as the Flemish artists were 
certainly well skilled in engraving words in their blocks. They 
all appear to have been perfected by the same scribe, which 
probably induced Oldys to assert that they are in Caxton's 
autograph. Of this there is no evidence. 

Hugh Brice, of the same county as Caxton, where he held 
the manor of Jenkins (Lysons, vol. iv, page 75), was also of 
the Mercers' Company, although Stow calls him a goldsmith 
(Thorns' s Stow, page 77). He was knighted about 1472; and 
in that year accompanied John Kussell and others on a trade 
embassy to Bruges. John Kussell was the orator whose cele- 
brated speech, upon the reception of the Order of the Garter by 
the Duke of Burgundy, is one of the earliest pieces attributed 
to the press of Caxton. In 1473, Hugh Brice, who is called 
" Clericus in officio Contrarotulatoris Monetae nostrae," was sent 
on a similar embassy, " De difficultatibus super intercursu Bur- 
gundiae removendis ; " and on both occasions would necessarily 
become personally acquainted with Caxton, who at that time 
was in the service of the Duchess of Burgundy at Bruges 



BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 2. 229 

(Rymer, edit. 1727, vol. xi, page 738, &c. &c.) He also held 
the offices of Keeper of the King's Exchange, London ; Governor 
of the King's Mint in the Tower, under Lord Hastings ; and 
Mayor of London, 1494. He died in 1496. 

Sixteen copies are known : British Museum (2), Cambridge, 
Bodleian, Windsor, Gottingen, and ten in private libraries. 

No. 32. — The History of Keynard, the Fox. First Edition. 
Folio. Translated in the Abbey of Westminster by Wil- 
liam Caxton, 148 1, but without Printer's Name, Place, 
or Date. 

Collation.— a ictrefgf) t are 4 ns , fc and I are 3 ns , a 1 

and I 6 being blank. Between the leaves f) 8 and t 1 is in- 
serted a leaf half printed on both sides. This was probably 
owing to the accidental omission of a page by the compositor. 
Total, 84J leaves, of which the first and last are blank. 

Typographical Particulars. — There is no title-page. The 
type is No. 2*, none other being used throughout the volume. 
The lines are spaced out to one length, and measure 4f inches. 
A full page has 29 lines. "Without folios or catch-words. Arabic 
figures are used in the signatures. Spaces 2 lines deep are left 
for the insertion of initials. 

The Text begins, on sig. a 2 recto, thus : — 

W$i% ts tfje tafile of tfje fjtstorge of regnart tfje toe 

ending half-way down sig. a 3 recto, 

?$oto tfje toe tottf) Jig frentos trepattetr n$Uv fro tjje 
fcgnge & b3ente to fjts cartel malepertmgs/capttulo xliii 

On the verso begins the story — 

Jgger fieggnnetf) tfjptorge of renar* tfje toe 

ending half-way down the verso of the 5th folio of sig. I, 

ft&ifjere tfjeg sfjalfgnfce faute/dFor $ fjaue not atfte* ne 
mgmtsiofjetr tut fjaue folotoefc as nggfje as § can mg eopge 
tofjtcjje toas in imtcfje/anti lv me totllm Ctaton trans^ 
latefc in to tfjt's rufce & sample englgssfj in tfjafifceg of toest- 



230 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

mestre . fgnpsfjefc tje bj bage of gttgn tfje gere of our 
lor* * M ♦ orar<E<& . %xxxj ♦ & tfje axj gere of tjje regne of 
fcgnge <£*toarfc tje tujtfj / 

$%zxz entotf) Qe fjtstorge of iUgnartf tfje foxe &c 

Kemarks. — The date of printing this book is nowhere 
stated, though it was probably put to press directly after if not 
during the translation, which was finished on the 6th of June, 
1 48 1. The literary history of this fable is very obscure. It 
appears to have had great popularity for some centuries pre- 
vious to Caxton's time, as quotations from it appear so early 
as the twelfth century. Caxton's translation was made from 
"Die Historie van Reinaert die Yos, gheprefit ter goude in 
hollant by mi gheraert leeu Jnt iaer Mcccc en lxxix," or per- 
haps from the still earlier edition in Dutch, discovered in 1854, 
and described in K. Godike's Deutsche Wochenschrift for that 
year, Heft 8, page 256. 

Copies are in the British Museum, Eton College, and two 
private libraries. 



JSTo. 33. — Tully of Old Age; Tully of Friendship; The 
Declamation of Noblesse. Folio. " Emprynted by 
me symple persone William Caxton." No Place. 1481. 

Collation. — Old Age: sigs. 1 and a are 3 113 , with 1 1, and 
a 6 blank — ft t tf Z f Q f) are 4 ns — t is a 2 n , with t 4 blank. 
Friendship and the Declamation : a fc C * Z f are 4 113 , with no 
blanks. The first section in the "De Senectute" is signed in 
Arabic numerals only, thus : 12 — 1 3 — 1 4, the rest of the 
work being signed in letters and Arabic numerals. The three 
tracts together have 117 printed and three blank leaves. 

Typographical Particulars. — There is no title-page to 
any of the three treatises. The type is all Kb. 2*, except 
where Latin quotations or proper names are introduced, when 
Caxton's largest type, No. 3, is used. The lines are fully 
spaced out, and the long lines measure 4f inches; 29 lines 
make a full page. Without folios or catchwords. Space is 
left at the beginning of the chapters with a director, for the 



BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 2. 231 

insertion of 2 to 5-line initials. The peculiar &t belonging to 
type !So. 1 is used in this book. 

Although in three distinct treatises, Caxton intended them 
to form but one volume, as is plainly stated in the epilogue, 
which renders it difficult to imagine a reason for his printing 
the volume with two sets of signatures. 

After a blank leaf the Text begins on sig. 1 2, space being- 
left for a 2-line initial J$ with director, 

J) <£re fieggnnetf) tfje profjemge bpon tje retiuctnge / 

fiotf) out of latgn as of frenssfje in to our englgssij 

tongue/of tfje poigtgtjue fioofcnameti Culltus tie senec^ 

tute . tof)tcf)e t|at Culltus torote bpon tfje teputacons & 

The treatise " De Senectute " ends, with the following colo- 
phon, at the head of the 3rd recto of sig. t, 

Cfjus entietf) tje fiolte of Culle of oltie age translated 
out of latgn in to frensfje fig laurenee tie prtmo faeto at 
tfje comauntiement of t|)e nofile prgnce Uotogs But of 
ISurfion / anti enprgnteti fig me sgmple persone OTitlltam 
(Eaxton in to (£ngfgssf)e at tf)e plagstr solace anfc reue- 
rence of men grotogng in to oltre age tf)e xt; tiag of Eu^ 
gust tfje gere of our lortr . M . <£<£<£<£ ♦ Imj : 

A blank leaf, and then the " De Senectute " begins with a 
new series of signatures on a j, the whole work ending on the 
8th verso of sig. f, 

tf)at be at our tiepartgng mage fceparte in suclje togse, tjjat 
it mage please our lotto goti to recegue bs in to Ijts eutr- 
lastgng filgsse . Emen : 

Explicit per (ft&xton 

Remarks. — TVe learn from Caxton's own pen, that the trans- 
lation of Cicero's "De Senectute" and "De Amicitia" into 
French was made by the command of Louis Duke of Bourbon, in 
1405, by Laurence de Premierfait. This learned priest was a 
native of the city of Troyes, and obtained great celebrity by his 
numerous translations. 



232 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

To Jean Mielot we must attribute the French, version of 
" The Declamation," in which he styles the author " Surse 
Pistoie, Docteur en Loix, et grand Orateur." This was one of 
the first books that issued from the press of Colard Mansion at 
Bruges. 

The English translation of the " De Senectute " was accom- 
plished, as we learn from the first prologue, at the ordinance 
and desire of Sir John Fastolfe. It has been ascribed by 
Leland to the Earl of Worcester, and by Anstis to Wyllyam 
de Wyrcestre ; in both cases without evidence. We have seen 
already that the "Dictes and Sayings of the Philosophers" 
had been translated in 1450 for Sir John Fastolfe, by Stephen 
Scrope, his son-in-law (see page 191, ante), and this possibly 
came from the same pen. Whoever the translator may have 
been he took for his text the work of Laurence Premierfait, 
of which this version is a most literal translation, notwith- 
standing his assurance (see the end of the first prologue) that 
" this book is more amply expounded and more sweeter to the 
reader, keeping the just sentence of the Latin." The English 
version of " De Amicitia" and the "Declamation" are attri- 
buted by Caxton to the Earl of Worcester, a great traveller, 
a great collector of books, and a great orator. The Earl's 
history and acquirements have been described by Fuller, Dr. 
Henry, and many others ; Caxton's admiration for him is 
expressed in the most touching and characteristic terms. Pro- 
bably their love of literature was a friendly bond. The Earl 
also translated, at a later period, Caesar's Commentaries, which 
Rastell printed. 

Of 22 copies extant, twelve are in the chief corporate 
libraries in England, and ten in private hands. 

Xo. 34. — The Game and Play of the Chess. Second Edition. 
Folio. Woodcuts. " Explicit per Caxton." Without 
Place or Date. (1481?) 

Collation.— a fo C fo Z i Q 1) t are 4™ k i are 3™ = 84 

leaves, of which the first is blank. 

Typographical Particulars. — There is no title-page. The 



BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 2. 233 

only type used is No. 2.* The lines are spaced out to an even 
length, and signatures are used. A full page has 29 lines, and 
a full line measures 4! inches. Space left for the insertion of 
2 or 3-line initials, with director. Without folios or catch- 
words. 

After the blank leaf the prologue of Caxton commences on 

sig. a tj. 

The Text begins thus :—> 

3£)e fjolg appostle antr troctour of tfje peple sagnt 

t 3loule sagtf) in t)ts epgstle . &lle tfjat is torgten 

is torgten bnto our toctrgne an* for our \zx? 

ngng . &2Ef)erfore mang ttotle clerttes fmue enfceuogrefi 

The table of chapters follows on the verso, and ends on 
a tij recto, the verso being blank. On a tiij recto, the first 
chapter commences, and is illustrated with a woodcut repre- 
senting King Evilmerodach, son of Nebuchadnezzar, "a jolly 
man without justice who did do hew his father his body into 
three hundred pieces." 

The Text ends on I 6 recto, the verso being blank- 
man tut as a teste ♦ CJenne late euerg man of tofjat 
contrgcion fje fce tfjat retigtfj or fjeritf) tfjis litei fioofe rettoe 4 
take tfjerfcg ensaumple to amende f)gm * 

(Explicit per (taton* 

Remarks. — All the copies of this book show the types thick 
and worn. Also many double letters and ligatures which occur 
frequently in earlier books never appear in this. 

The woodcuts in this volume number only sixteen, not 
twenty-four, as Dibdin and other writers say, eight of them 
being impressions from blocks used for previous chapters. 
As already noticed, there seems a probability that the two 
cuts for " Parvus Chato," third edition, were the earliest used 
by Caxton. These were soon after printed again, with the 
addition of many others in the " Mirrour of the World." The 
present cuts were perhaps the third essay of Caxton in this 
department, and for these, judging by the general style, he 
appears to have employed another artist. 



234 



WILLIAM CAXTON. 



" EVILMEKODACH, A JOLLY MAN WITHOUT JUSTICE WHO DID DO HEW HIS 
FATHER IN PIECES." 




BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 2. 235 

The literary history of the work has been given under the 
first edition, but we must notice that the original prologue 
dedicated to the Duke of Clarence, the major portion of which 
was a translation from the French, has been superseded in 
this edition by a prologue from Caxton's own pen, the ideas 
in which, with the exception of the first few lines, and almost 
the very words, are often met with in manuscripts of that 
age. 

In the first chapter of the Fourth tractate is a curious inter- 
polation by Caxton respecting " the good old times " of his 
youth. The original text has this remark : " And truly a 
royame wythout habundaunce of goodes by whyche hyt may be 
gouerned and prospere may better be callyd a latrocynye or a 
nest of theuys than a royame." To this Caxton adds the follow- 
ing : — "Alas what ' habundaunce was somme tymes in the 
royames / and what prosperite / in whiche was Justyce . and 
euery man in his offyce contente ! how stood the cytees that 
time in worship & renome . how was renomed the noble royame 
of englond alle the world dradde hit and spake worshyp of hit. 
How hit now standeth and in what habundaunce I reporte me to 
them that knowe hit . yf there ben theuys wyth in the royame 
or on the see . they knowe that laboure in the royame and 
sayle on the see / 1 wote wel the fame is grete therof / 1 pray 
god saue that noble royame . & sende good trewe and polletique 
councellours to the gouernours of the same." 

The year in which this edition is generally considered to 
have been issued seems to me very incorrect. Ames assigns 
no date to it, but Dibdin, probably misled by Bagford's obser- 
vations, thinks it one of Caxton's earliest efforts, while in 
some remarks attached to a reprint of this edition by Mr. 
Figgins, it is considered as the earliest specimen of the West- 
minster press, and to have been printed from cut metal types. 
An examination of the work, however, with a typographical 
eye does not afford a single evidence of very early workman- 
ship. All Caxton's early books were uneven in the length of 
their lines — this is quite even. Not one of the early works 
had any signatures — this is signed throughout. These two 
features alone are quite sufficient to fix its date of impression 



236 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

at least as late as 1480, when Caxton first began the use of 
signatures. Probably it was the last book for which Type STo. 
2* was used. 

Copies are in the British Museum ; the Pepysian and Trinity, 
Cambridge ; Bodleian and St. John's, Oxford ; Imperial Library, 
Vienna ; and seven in private hands. 



DESCRIPTION OF BOOKS PRINTED 



IX 



TYPE No. 3. 



BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE No. 3. 

55. An Advertisement . . . . • 1477-78 ? 

36. Directorium. First Version .... 1477-78? 

37. Horse. Second Edition ..... 1480? 

38. Psalterium, &c. . 1480-83 ? 



BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE No. 3. 



No. 35. An Advertisement. Long Octavo. Westminster. No 
Date. {About 1477-78.) 

Typographical Particulars. — The type is all No. 3, the 
whole advertisement being comprised in seven lines, unevenly 
spaced, the longest measuring five inches. The verso is blank. 

§i it plese onv man sptrttuel or tempore! to fepe ong 
pges of ttoo anti tjjre comemoracios of saltstmrt bse 
enprgntto after tfje forme of tfjts preset lettre tofjicfje 
ten toel an* trulg correet / late ijpt come to toestmo- 
nester in to tfje aimonesrge at tfje reetr pale antr J)e sfjal 
fjaue tfjem gooti efjepe 

Supplteo $Ut cetwla 

Remarks. — This is an interesting relic, not only as giving us 
the name of the house inhabited by our first printer — the Red- 
pale (" reed " was commonly used by Caxton for " red ") — but 
also as a specimen of advertisements in the fifteenth century. 
Although small in size, it may also be considered as the earliest 
instance known of a " broadside " printed in this country. 

Our printer was not alone in advertising his books, although, 
from the fugitive nature of such productions, specimens are very 
rarely to be found. An interesting list of books printed by 
Coburger, at Nuremberg, in the fifteenth century, is in the 
British Museum (C. 18. e. 2. 27), to which is attached the 
following heading: — " Cupientes emere libros infra notatos 



240 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

venient ad hospicium subnotatum Yenditorern habituri largissi- 
mum," &c. 

The " Pye " * was a collection of rules to show trie priest how 
to deal (under every possible variation in Easter) with the con- 
currence of more than one office on the same day, In reading 
Caxton's Advertisement the question arises, — In what respect 
did the "pyes of two and three commemorations of Salisbury 
use " differ from the ordinary pyes of Salisbury use ? The Very 
Eeverend Canon Rock, D.D., has kindly placed at my disposal 
an explanation which confines the "pye of two commemora- 
tions" to the rules for Easter and Whitsuntide, and the "pye 
of three commemorations " to the rules for Easter, Whitsuntide, 
and Trinity.t Caxton's Advertisement, therefore, refers to 

* The Pica type of printers is commonly supposed to derive its name 
from having been used for printing the early "Pica seu Directorium. " I 
have searched in vain among the earliest editions of the Directorium for a 
copy printed in types approaching the size of Pica. They are mostly the 
size of modern Brevier. 

t " Easter being a moveable feast, and ruling the time for Septuagesima, 
Sexagesima, and Quinquagesima Sundays, and the beginning of Lent, as 
well as the Sundays for Whitsuntide and the beginning of Trinity, makes 
great and ever-recurring alterations in the Service of the Calendar on 
Saints' days. Hence was it to show the Cleric at a glance how to com- 
memorate the Saints' days that came in the everchanging times of Lent, 
Easter, Whitsuntide ; and the Octave of the Trinity, the Pica began by 
giving a table of the Dominical letters, which make the keys of all the rest 
of the Pica; and after such a way no matter what month or week Easter 
might fall on, the manner of commemorating the Saints' days happening 
then, or of putting them off till another time, was accurately described for 
all variations. But as the chief variations in keeping the Saints' days 
happened at Easter and its following week — at Whitsuntide and its week 
or Octave — and at Trinity and its Octave ; and, as during these three 
great feasts, with their Octaves, the occurring feast itself was chiefly 
celebrated with mere mention, or Collect, or Commemoration ; and as 
people in Caxton's days had not printed but handwritten Breviaries with- 
out the Pica or Pye in them, Caxton printed, to supply their want, " pyes 
of two and three commemorations," — that is to say, directions for saying 
the whole office of two Octaves or Commemorations, say of Easter and 
Whitsuntide, and of three Octaves, Easter, Whitsuntide, and Trinity. It 
should be borne in mind, as I have pointed out in t. 4, p. 139 of "The 
Church of our Fathers," that the Laity as well as the Clergy used to say 



BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 3. 241 

separately published portions of the common " Directorium seu 
Pica Saruni," applicable, perhaps, to the current year only. In 
the succeeding article is described a "Pica," which, in some 
particulars, agrees entirely with Caxton's description. 

A poor copy is among the Douce" fragments in the Bodleian ; 
and a good one, formerly in Dr. Parmer's library, at Althorpe. 

It has been suggested that the first line being very short, 
the syllable co has accidentally dropped out, and that the text 
should read "to buy any copies," &c. ; but the word "copy," 
in that sense, was unknown in the fifteenth century. 



No. 36. — Directorium, seu Pica Sarum. First Version. Quarto. 
Sine ulld notd. (About 1477-8.) 

No perfect copy of this book being known, the Collation 
is necessarily omitted. The four fragments from the covers of 
the St. Alban's " Boethius " are four separate half sheets in 
quarto, making a total of sixteen pages. 

Typographical Particulars. — Only one type, No. 3, is 
used in these fragments. The lines are not spaced out to one 
length. The longest measure 3 § inches. A full page has 2 2 
lines. Without signatures, or catchwords, or printed folios to 
the leaves. There are no initial letters, nor is there any space 
left for them. The whole is in very contracted Latin. 

Kemarks. — There can be no doubt that this was the product 
of Caxton's press, as all the circumstances connected with it 
tend to prove. It was extracted from the covers of a book 
which was evidently bound in Caxton's workshop, and for the 
binding of which he had used waste sheets from the press (see 
ante, page 215). The fragments belonging to known books 
were all printed by Caxton before 1481 ; while the "Advertise- 
ment " and " Directorium," reasoning from the measurement of 
the lines and their uneven length, were certainly printed before 

the Breviary. Hence Caxton's invitation to buy his "pyes " to the Laito 
too. — Extract from a letter to J. F. Goulding, Esq., from the Very Rev. Canon 
Rod, D.D. February, 1862. 

Q 



242 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

1480, and probably about the same time as the later set of 
quarto poetic pieces, i.e., about 1478. 

This " Directorium " is not the same version as that printed 
by Caxton, about i486, in type No. 5, and a second edition of 
which was issued a few years later in type No. 6. These last 
are the text revised for Bishop Eotherham, founded upon an 
earlier version, of which latter the leaves under notice appear to 
be a portion. 

Formerly in the library of the St. Alban's Grammar School ; 
they are now in the British Museum. 



No. 37. — Hor^: ad usum Sarum. Second Edition. Quarto. 
(1480-83.) 

No perfect copy being known, the Collation is of necessity 
omitted. The following remarks are made from three frag- 
ments rescued from the St. Alban's "Boethius," already 
noticed. 

Typographical Particulars. — The only type used, judging 
from these fragments, was No. 3. The lines are spaced out, 
and measure 3§ inches. A full page has 20 lines. The initials 
and paragraph marks are not inserted. 

The first fragment, a quarto leaf printed on both sides, but 
very defective, contains part of the " SufTragia of the Three 
Kings," which are among the additions to the first part of the 
"Primer;" and in an early edition by "VYynken de Worde, 
immediately precede the Latin " Fifteen Oes." 

The second fragment is also but one leaf, and contains the 
commencement of Part II of the " Horse," the " Ne Keminis- 
caris " being the anthem belonging to the Seven Penitential 
Psalms. 

The third fragment consists of two pages of prayers, con- 
taining the first of the "Fifteen Oes" in Latin, and some 
prayers near the end of the Litany. 

Eemarks. — As all the " Fifteen Oes " and the Litany, as well 
as other prayers, intervene between the two pages of the third 
fragment, it is evident they were not intended to be printed on 



BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 3. 243 

one sheet; this, added to the fact that the paper is printed 
only on one side, makes it clear that these are proof pages. 

This edition of " Horas " is entirely unknown to any of our 
bibliographers, and was doubtless a second edition of that 
already noticed at p. 191. 

These fragments, now in the British Museum, were pur- 
chased in 1874. They were formerly in the library of King 
Edward VI Grammar School, St. Alban's. 



jSTo. 38. — Psalterium, etc. Quarto. Sine ulld notd. (1480- 
83?) 

Collation.— a JlC&efflfMfclmttOpqtgtUXg 
are 4 ns , with a 1 blank ; but as only one copy is known to be 
in existence, and that imperfect, no complete collation can be 
given. 

Typographical Particulars. — There is only one type, 
3STo. 3, used throughout the work, excepting for the signatures, 
where the Arabic numerals belong to type No. 2. The lines, 
which are spaced out, measure 3§ inches, and a full page has 
20. Without printed folios or catchwords. Space for the 
insertion of 2 to 4-line initials, generally without director, is 
left at the beginning of paragraphs. The signatures are in 
letters and Arabic numerals, a mode of signing used by Caxton 
only between the years 1480 and 1483. 

The book doubtless commenced with a blank leaf for a 1, 
which is wanting in this copy. 

The Text begins at the head of a 2 recto, thus : — 

Sfjerontmui* *e laute *et super 
psalterium 

3c{)tl entm est tit f)ae btta 
n mortalt tit quo possumus fa- 

miltartus tnfjerere tieo q' tit- 
utnts lautoous* iaullus e'm mot- 

" Jheronimus super Psalterium " ends on a 6 recto, and is 
followed by two prayers and a metrical hymn. 



244 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

The Psalter finishes on sig. t 3 recto, and is followed by the 
Canticles, Te Deum, Athanasian Creed, a general Litany, in- 
cluding most of the prayers now in use, and ends imperfectly 
on sig. g 7 verso. There is an eighth leaf, which at first sight 
is very defective, seeming to be £ 8 ; in fact it is an intercallary 
leaf, consisting of two pages accidentally omitted between X 7 
and X 8, and bound up wrongly after £ 7, the real J) 8 being 
absent. 

As these typographical blunders suggest that the compositor 
worked from a printed and not a manuscript copy, we may well 
believe that this is not the first edition of the work. 

The only copy at present known is in the British Museum, 
having formed a portion of the old Royal Library. It has 
the initials M. K.* (Queen Mary I.) on the back of the volume, 
and was recognised as being printed with Caxton's types by Mr. 
Bullen of the British Museum, through whose hands it passed 
for re-cataloguing. 



DESCRIPTION OF BOOKS PRINTED 



IN 



TYPE No. 4. 



BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPES No. 4 AND 4* 



39. Chronicles. First Edition 

40. Description of Britain 

41. Curia Sapientiae 

42. Godfrey of Boloyne 

43. Indulgence. First Edition 

44. Ditto Second Edition 

45. Chronicles. Second Edition . 

46. Polychronicon 

47. Pilgrimage of the Soul 

48. A Vocabulary 

49. The Festial. First Edition . 

50. Four Sermons 

51. Servitium de Yisitatione 

52. Sex Epistolae 

53. Confessio Amantis 

54. The Knight of the Tower . 

55. Caton .... 

56. Golden Legend. First Edition 

57. Death-bed Prayers 

58. ^Esop 

59. Order of Chivalrye 

60. Canterbury Tales. Second Edition 

61. Book of Fame 

62. The Curial 

63. Troilus and Cresside . 

64. Life of our Lady . 

65. St. Winifred . 

66. King Arthur 

67. Charles the Great 

68. Paris and Vienne . 

69. The Golden Legend. Second Edition 



Type 4 
Type 4 
Type 4 
Type 4 
Type 4 
Type 4 
Type 4 

• Type 4 
Type 4 

. Type 4 
Type 4* 

• Type 4* 
Type 4 

Type 4 and 4* 
Type 4 and 4* 
Type 4 and 4* 
Type 4* 
Type 4 and 4* 
Type 4* 
Type 4* 
Type 4*1 
Type 4* 

Type 4* 
Type 4* 
Type 4* 
Type 4* 
Type 4* 
Type 4* 
Type 4* 
Type 4* 
Type 4* 



1480 
1480 



1481 
1482 
1482 

1483 
1483? 

1483 
1483? 
1483? 
1483? 
1484 
1484? 
1484 
1484 
1484? 
1484 
483-85 
1484 
1484 
1484 
1484: 
1484' 

1485' 
1485 
1485 
1485 
1487 



BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE No. 4. 



No. 39. — The Chronicles of England. Folio. " Emprynted 
by me William Caxton in thaboey of Westmynstre" 
June 10th, 1480. First Edition, with short commas. 

Collation. — Prologue and table a 4 11 , signed if, i\), and It'tf, 
the first leaf being blank, a (a \ blank) ficfiefgl)tfclmnO 
p $ ? £ t U X are 4 ns ; g is a 3 11 . Total 182 leaves, of which 
two are blank. 

Typographical Particulars. — There is no title-page. Type 
No. 4 only is used. There are forty lines to a full page. The 
lines are spaced out to an even length, and measure 4! inches. 
The signatures are in lower-case letters and Arabic numerals. 
Spaces left for the insertion of initials. Without folios or 
catchwords. The short comma ( f ) only is used. 

Commencing with a blank leaf, the prologue follows on sig. \j 
recto, the Text beginning, with a space for a 5-line initial, 

& tje nere; of tfjnncarnacion of our lorti Pju crist jfH. 

©<£<&<£. Ixxx. an* in flje xx.pere of tjje £vegne of 
§ ftnng (fcfctoarto tje fourtfje / Ette requeste of ftnuerce 

gentilmcn $ f^ue entieucur* me to enprt'nte tlje cro- 

nicies of (£ng!on& as in tijis fioofce sfjall fin tfje suf- 
fraunceof go* fclctoc/&n* to tijentie tfjat etterg mon man 
see an* 

The Chronicle ends on the sixth recto of sig. g, the verso being 
blank, 

£f)its entietf) tin's present fioofce of tfje cronicles of 
englon* / cnp'n | te* fig me toilliam (Ztaton $n tfjafifien of 
fcoestmpnstre fin lontion | dFgngssfjt* an* accomplish 



248 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

tfje x . tag of $ugn tfje grw of tf)ttt~ 1 carnaa'on of out lot* 
S<fo JB ♦ <&<&<&<& ♦ lux . En* in tfje xx . jjm of | t&e regne 
of fcgng (Sfctoarti tge fourtj 

Eemaeks. — The use of short commas, which, characterises the 
early state of this type, would induce us to give priority to this 
edition over the other, in which the long commas are used, 
independently of any printed date. 

The history here printed by Caxton differs hut little from 
the " Cronicle of Brute," one of the most popular of the 
fifteenth and sixteenth century books. It is, however, carried 
further than any manuscript chronicle I have seen, and it 
appears probable that, as any writer who felt competent made 
his own additions in transcribing, so Caxton added more or 
less to his copy, and brought the history down, as he acknow- 
ledges having done in " Polycronicon," to the battle of Towton. 
The old "Cronicle of Brute" was so called from the opening 
chapter which describes the settlement of Brutus, the descen- 
dant of iEneas, in Britain. The respective parts due to 
Nennius, Douglas of Glastonbury, and Geoffrey of Monmouth, 
are probably too obscure to determine. The St. Albans 
Chronicle, printed two or three years later, and in types some- 
what resembling those of Caxton, is the same text, interpolated 
throughout with a history of the Popes and ecclesiastical 
matters. This, and the edition of Machlinia (Caxton's text), 
about the same date, are not unfrequently catalogued errone- 
ously as from Caxton's press. 

One of the most rare books from the early Dutch Press is a 
reprint of Caxton's text by Gerard Leeu. 

This work is often called " Caxton's Chronicle " by old 
writers, probably from the publicity he gave it both as editor 
and printer, and he is often blamed for its inaccuracies, 
although, with the exception of the last few pages, he had 
nothing to do with its compilation ; nor indeed does he in any 
way lay claim to it. 

Of this edition with the short commas there are copies 
at Cambridge, Bodleian (2), St. John's, Oxford, Hunterian 
Museum, Glasgow, and Lambeth Palace. Six are in private 
hands. 



BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 4. 24Q 

No. 40. — The Description of Britain. Folio. " Fyny she'd 
by me William Caxton." No Place. iSth August, 
1480. 

Collation. — Three 4™ and one 3 11 , unsigned. Thirty leaves, 
the last being "blank. 

Typographical Particulars. — There is no title-page. 
Type No. 4 only is nsed. There are forty lines to a full page. 
The lines are spaced out to an even length, and measure 4! 
inches. Spaces left for the insertion of initials. Without 
signatures, folios, or " catchwords. The signatures were pro- 
bably omitted on account of the limited extent of the 
work. 

The Text begins, on the verso of the first leaf, thus : — 

Jgtt ts so tfjat in mang an* *tuetse places tf)e comgn 
crontcles | of encjlon* fcen fja* an* also noto late enpttnte* 
at toestmgnstre | 

and ends on the 29th recto, 

late* tfje fcoolt of ^oltcrontcon into engli'ssf) / dFpngssfje* 
fig me I totlltam (ttaxton t|)e xbttr ♦ trap of August tfje pete of 
our lor* go* | Jft ♦ (&(&(&(& ♦ Ixxx . an* tjje xx . pete of tje 
tegne of Jtgng <£*toar* | tje fourtfje ♦ 

Remarks. — "The Description of Britain" is one of the 
chapters out of Ralph Higden's "Polycronicon." Caxton 
printed it as a supplement to the Chronicles, and evidently 
intended it to follow on after the termination of that work. 
The blank leaf at the end instead of the beginning favours this 
idea. 

It is improbable that a second edition of " The Description 
of Britain " was issued, as no copy with the long commas (/) 
has yet been found. 

Copies are in British Museum, Cambridge, Oxford (3), 
St. John's, Oxford, Lambeth, Glasgow, and four in private 
libraries. 



250 WILLIAM CAXTON 

No. 41. — Cueia Sapientle; or the Court op Sapience. 
Folio. Without Printer's Name, Place, or Date. (1481 ?) 

Collation. — a fi C ti are 4 113 , e is a 3 n = 38 leaves, of which 
the first is blank. 

Typographical Particulars. — There is no title-page. The 
type is No. 4 throughout. The whole work is in " Balad 
Boyal," or stanzas of seven lines, of which there are five to 
each page. Without folios or catchwords. Space is left for 
the insertion of 3-line initials. 

After a blank the Text begins on a tj recto, with space for a 
3-line initial, with director, 

Ji^e lafiero 9 & w most menteglo 9 toetta 
<&f sapience sgn ftrste regneti nature 
t M$ purpos ts to tell as tortten electa 
Enft specgallg fjer moost notatle cure 

The Text ends half-way down the second column, on the 
sixth verso of signature e 5 

Igupng / neWul toetta / an* 
fcreMul tate of toge an* of 
P^S^te 

Remarks. — The only manuscript copy of this poem is 
preserved in the library of Trinity College, Cambridge. It 
belonged formerly to John Stow, who has noted several omis- 
sions in the text, as compared with some other copy, probably 
the printed edition ; and who has written over the top, " By 
John Lydgate." The poem itself is headed " Here beginneth 
a brief compiled treatise called by the Author thereof Curia 
Sapiential." 

The following description by Oldys is taken from Bib. Harl. 
Vol. Ill, No. 3313 : "Though neither the author's nor printer's 
name appears to this poem, it was visibly enough printed by 
Caxton and composed by Lidgate, had we not the authority of 
John Stowe for it, in the catalogue of his writings. The author 
tells us it was written at the command of his Sovereign (per- 



BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 4. 251 

haps King Hen. V), and it seems to be one of the scarcest of 
his pieces extant. There seems to be more invention in it and 
variety of matter than in most other poems of his composition, 
displaying, after a copious debate between Mercy and Truth, 
Justice and Peace, a distinct survey throughout the palace and 
domains of Sapience, of all the products of nature, in distinct 
chapters, and of arts and sciences ; with his further reference, at 
the end of each, to the authors who have written on them." 
Ames says (Typ. Ant, page 67), after quoting the whole of the 
" Prohemium," " I take Caxton to be the poet or author, by 
the above verses." This opinion was perhaps too readily 
adopted. Although there is a curious parallel between the 
poet's statement of his rude and corrupt speech, and the apology 
of Caxton in his additions to " The Recuyell " for his " vnper- 
fightness " in English, owing to his having been educated where 
was " spoken as brode and rude englissh as is in ony place of 
englond;" and although we know that Caxton could put 
together a few verses, as in the instance of the last two stanzas 
of "Moral Proverbs ;" yet, judging from the literary ability of 
his known works and translations, we should hardly be justified 
in ascribing the authorship of " Curia Sapientise " to him. The 
plan of this work, in which theology, geography, natural history, 
horticulture, grammar, rhetoric, arithmetic, geometry, music, 
and astronomy are all in turn described, was certainly too high 
a flight for our printer. 

The titles given to this book, " The werke of Sapience " and 
"Tractatus de Fide et Cantus famule sue," adopted by Ames 
and other bibliographers, were taken from the first and last 
lines of the poem. The proper title, " Curia Sapientise," 
appears at the end of " Liber Primus." 

Caxton's edition is very scarce. St. John's, Oxford, and Earl 
Spencer, have copies, and fragments are in the Bodleian and 
the British Museum. This last library is inaccurately stated by 
Dibdin to possess a perfect copy. 



252 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

No. 42. — The Histoey op Godfrey of Boloyne; or the 
Conquest op Jerusalem. Folio. Printed the 20th 
November, in the Abbey of Westminster, by William 
Caxton, 1 48 1. 

Collation. — a is a 3", with a } blank ; 1) a 2 n , {) 1 being 
blank; 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, and 16 
are all 4 ns , 17 is a 3°= 144 leaves, of which two are blank. 
Excepting the first two gatherings, the signatures are entirely 
in Arabic numerals. Dibdin corrects Ames, and says he 
counted 146 leaves, but Ames was right. 

Typographical Particulars. — There is no title-page. The 
type is entirely No. 4. A full page has forty lines, which are 
of an even length, and measure 4! inches. Without folios 
or catchwords. Space at the commencement of chapters is left 
for the insertion of 3 to 7-line initials. 

The volume commences with a blank leaf, after which follows 
the prologue, the Text beginning on a 2, with a space for a 
4-line initial, 

3$e \)qz couraggous faptcs/^n)3 balgaunt actes of 

t nofcle iPllustrous anft bertuoua personnel fcen fctgne 

to fce recounted / put in memorge / anti toretom to fyevtit 

tfjat tjjer mag fce gguen to tjjem name gnmortal fcg so^ 

ueragn laufce anti paging. &nfc also for to moeue aitD 

tenflato I 

ending half-way down the recto of the sixth folio of sig. 1 7, 
the verso being blank, 

mgng ♦ brfjtcfje tooofc g? fiegan in marefje tfje xtr *age anft 
fpngs- 1 sfjgtr tje btj tiap of Sugn / tije gere of our lorfc * 
M ♦ (&(&<&(& 4 Ixxxy I & tfje tfje xxr gere of tf)e regne of our 
sag* saueragn lotto fcgng <£* | toartr tfje fourtf) ♦ & in tfttjs 
maner sette in forme & enprgnteti tj)e | xx trap of nouem- 
ire tje gere a forsagft in tfjafiftag of toestmester | fig tfje 
satti toglitam (Caxton 

In the British Museum is a splendid manuscript of this 
work, a large folio, on vellum, fifteenth century, with numerous 



BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 4. 253 

illuminations. The character of the writing is very similar to 
the large type of Colard Mansion, and it begins " Les anciennes 
histoires diet que eracles fut moult bon x'pien et gouuerneur de 
lempire de romme." The text is without doubt the original of 
Caxton's translation, with which it agrees chapter for chapter, 
but is carried much further than the death of Godfrey, with 
which Caxton concludes. The author appears to be unknown. 

An edition was printed at Paris, in 1500, with the title 
" Les faits et Gestes de preux Godefroy de Bovillon et de ses 
chevalereux freres Baudouin et Eustache." 

Copies are in the British Museum, Cambridge (2), Imperial 
Library, Vienna, Hunterian College, Glasgow, Bristol, Gottin- 
gen, besides four in private libraries. The copy belonging to 
S. Holford, Esq., is specially interesting; it is in its original 
vellum cover, and contains the following interesting notice : — 
" This was king Edw. y e fourth Booke." Also the autographs, 
" p'tinet Kogero Thorney," and " Rob* Wellborne." The former 
of these names is worth a comment, because it throws some 
doubt upon the accuracy of the previous notice. Eoger Thorney, 
like other literary mercers of his time, was probably a friend and 
supporter of Caxton : he certainly patronised his successor, 
"Wynken de Worde, as the following lines from the "Poly- 
chronicon " of 1495, show : — 



this boke of Policronicon 



" Whiche Roger Thorney Mercer hath exhorted 
" Wynken de Worde of vertuous entent 
"Well to correcte, and gretely hym comforted, 
" This specyal boke to make and sette in prente." 

How then did Roger Thorney become possessed of the copy 
of "The History of Godefroy of Bulloyn," belonging to his 
king ? On the inside cover is also the book-plate of Sir John 
Dolben, Bart., of Finedon, in Northamptonshire. This volume 
was sold among the books of Secondary Smyth, in 1682, and 
passed into the library of the Earl of Peterborough. It was 
afterwards in the Vernon collection, which is now included in 
that of Mr. Holford. 



254 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

Xo. 43. — Letters of Indulgence from Johannes de Gigliis, 

ALIAS DE LlLIIS, ISSUED IN 1 48 1 ON THE AUTHORITY OF 

Pope Sixtus IV, for assistance against the Turks. 
On Parchment. 148 1. 

This indulgence is represented by two slips of parchment, 
extracted from the St. Alban's "Boethius." (See ante, 
page 215.) 

Originally in one, the document was cut in two pieces by 
Caxton's binder, who used them for strengthening the back of 
the book. They were pasted, one at the beginning and one at 
the end, down the whole length, inside the boards. When the 
volume was dissected they were; unfortunately, subjected to the 
usual soaking in water. This has entirely changed their 
original appearance, as the print has necessarily participated 
in the shrinking of the parchment. From personal examina- 
tion, while the fragments were in the original state, the follow- 
ing particulars are obtained : — 

Typographical Particulars. — The Type is all No. 4. 
The lines, which are spaced to an even length, measured nine 
inches. The complete document, apparently, contained 13 
lines. 

The second slip containing the date, is as follows : — 

mutare Itfiere tt Itctte .♦••♦. | . tt stnguloru fitst pre* 
sentes stgillt omtsstoms mtrolgeriaru tt fctspensactonu 
sancte eructate qu . . | mus et fmmus appntsume com 
. ♦ trt / Batum lit mernsts | 

<M4TtfL Ixxxj ♦ &c ponttftcatus ptefatt gaiuttsstmt ftomtnt 
nostrt to . ini &ixti pape ♦ . 

The two slips, now measuring each 7J x 1 inches, were 
originally about 11x2 inches. They are now in the British 
Museum. 

Xo. 44. — Letters of Indulgence issued in 148 1, on the 

AUTHORITY OF POPE SlXTUS IV, FOR ASSISTANCE AGAINST 

the Turks. Second Edition. On Parchment. 148 1. 
The type is all Ko. 4. The lines are spaced to an even 



BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 4. 255 

length. The whole document is printed on one side of a slip 
of paper. 

The only two copies known are pasted inside the "Koyal 
Book" printed by Caxton, and now in the Bedford Library, 
Bedford. They measure 8x6 inches. A slip of parchment 
containing four lines of the same Indulgence was discovered by 
Mr. Bradshaw in the Library of King's College, Cambridge. 



]S r o. 45. — The Chronicles of England. Folio. " Em- 
prynted by one william Caxton In thabbey of west- 
mestre" October 8th } 1482. Second Edition, with long 
commas. 

Collation. — Prologue and title a 4 11 , signed tj, tt'f, and tttj, 
the first leaf being blank, a (a j blank) fictufgl) tfclmn 
P $ t Si t U X are 4 ns ; £ is a 3 . Total 182 leaves, of which 
two are blank. 

Typographical Particulars. — There is no title-page. Type 
Ko. 4 only is used. There are forty lines to a full page. The 
lines are spaced out to an even length, and measure 4f inches. 
The signatures are in lower-case letters and Arabic numerals. 
Spaces left for the insertion of initials. Without folios or 
catchwords. 

The above collation and particulars are identical with those 
of the first edition, described at page 247, ante. 

Commencing with a blank leaf, the prologue follows on sig. 
tj recto, the Text beginning with space for a 4-line initial, 

$1 tfje pere of tfjgnearnacpn of our lortr $f)tt ertst JH 
<$(&(&(& I Ixxx I ianti in tit xx gere of tf)e Megne of 

t fcgng <£fitoarti tje fourtf) / %L\\z request of fcguerse gen 
tglmen $ fjaue etrtieugrpti me to enprpnte tfje (Ero^ 

trpcles of (Sttglon* / as in tfjts fcoofc sfjal fig tf)e suff raunee 

of goti 

The Text ends on the sixth recto of sig. £, the verso being 
blank, 



256 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

&$w tnatty tyi% present fioolt of tge Crongcles of 
<£nglonto / <£nprgntetr fig me OTitlltam Ctoton n tjjafifieg 
of toestmestre fig lontoon / dFgngsstjeto / an* aeeomplgssfjgtr 
tfje / bttf / trag of (©ctofire / 2Tf)e gere of tfje gncarnacgon of 
our lotto <§ott / JH / <&&<&& I Ixxxii &nto in tfje xxtj gw of 
tlje regne of itgng ©totoarti tfje fourtf) 

' Copies are in the British Museum (2) and Oxford, with three 
in private libraries. 



No. 46. — Polycronicon. Folio. " Imprinted and set in forme 
by me William Caxton." Without Place or Date. 
Translation ended 2nd July, 1482. 

Collation. — a fi are 4 ns , with the first leaf of a blank ; (£ is 
a 2 n ; sigs. 1 to 28 are 4 ns , the first and 5th leaves of sig. 1 
being blank; sig. 28 is followed by an unsigned single sheet, of 
which but one leaf is printed, the other being blank ; 29 to 48 
are 4 ns ; 49 a 2 n ; 50 to 55 are 4 ns , with the last leaf of 55 
blank; sig. 50 is followed by 52, sig. 51 being accidentally 
omitted = 450 leaves, of which five are blank. 

Typographical Particulars. — There is no title-page. The 
type is all JSTo. 4. The lines, which measure 4f inches, are 
fully spaced out, and forty make a full page. Space is left 
at the beginning of the chapters for the insertion of initials. 
The first gatherings have the signatures in Koman numerals, 
but all the rest are signed with Arabic numerals. After the 
introductory matter folios are introduced, although with many 
errors. 

The Text, preceded by a blank, begins on sig. a 2 recto, with 
space for a 4-line initial, 

Irofjcmge 

g l&ete tjanfcgnges latotoe & fjonoure toe mergtorgous^ 
lg ten fiotmie to geltoe anto offte bnto torgters of Ijgs^ 
torges / tof)td)e gretelg fjaue prouffgteto oure mortal 
Igf'/tfjat sfjetoe bnto tije refers anto ijerers fig tfje 

ensampfes of tfjgngcs passgto / tofjat tfjgnge is to fie tiesgreto / 



BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 4. 257 

Tlie Text ends on the recto of 55-7; the verso and 55-8 
being blank. 

torgtpnge / <£ntietf tfje second *mg of 0ugll tfje xxi) pere 
of tfje regne of fcpnge (£*toartitfje fourtf) & of fyt gncar- 
nacton of ottre lorti a ijjousantr four $ontoti foure score 
anfc ttoegne/ 

dFpnpssrtjetr per (toton 

Remarks. — Few of Caxton's books have excited more 
interest and research than the " Polycronicon." It appears 
to have had its origin with Roger, Monk of St. Werberg, in 
Chester, who, about the beginning of the fourteenth century, 
made an extensive compilation in Latin from several of the old 
chronicles and works on natural history then in existence. 
Ralph Higden, of the same monastery, who died before 1360, 
amplified this compilation, entitling his work, " Polycronicon ; " 
and this, judging from the numerous copies still extant, had a 
very extended popularity. In 1387 Trevisa, chaplain to the 
Earl of Berkeley, translated the Latin of Higden into English 
prose. An account of Trevisa, with a history of his works, is 
given by Dr. Dibdin, in Typ. Ant. vol. i., page 140, who, how- 
ever, has not included in his list Trevisa's English translation 
of the Gospel of Mcodemus (Addit. MS. 16165). Trevisa's 
translation of the Bible is expressly mentioned by Caxton in his 
prologue. Nearly a century later, Caxton " a little embellished " 
the antiquated text of Trevisa, which, together with a con- 
tinuation of the history to the year 1460, was finished on 
July 2nd, 1482, and printed soon after : he entitled his 
continuation "Liber ultimus," and it is most interesting as 
being the only original work of any magnitude from our 
printer's pen. 

Caxton tells us very little of the sources of his information. 
He mentions two little works, " Fasciculus temporum " and 
"Aureus de Vniverso," from which, however, he certainly 
obtained but little material for his " Liber ultimus," which 
treats almost entirely of English matters. 

As a specimen of the alteration made by our printer, when 
he "a lytyl embellyshed" the text as rendered by Trevisa, the 

R 



258 



WILLIAM CAXTON. 



following quotation is given, in which the consequences of 
Man's fall are graphically described. The embellishment 
chiefly consists in modernising the old English, although here 
and there Caxton added sentences to the text. 



TRE VISA'S TEXT, 1387. 
(Harleian MS., No 1900, fol. 946). 



Erom that day forthward 
ye body y* is corrupt by syne 
greuey y e soule / Ye flesche 
couetiy azen 9 y e soule / and 
manes wittes torney & as- 
sentith liztlich to euel A 
manes owne meynal wittes 
bey his owne enemyes f[ So 
y* al a manes lif is tempta- 
cion while he lyuey here in 
erye Also man is eu failynge 
and aweyward . he may nouzt 
stidfastlich abide he falliy 
liztliche bot he may nouzt 
lightlich arise . P'fite is of 
birye sorrowe & care 1 lyuyng/ 
and man mot nedes deye 
And thouz alle oy e yat bey 
made haue schelles • ryndes ■ 
skynnes ' wolle . heer . bristels ■ 
fethers ■ wynges other skales • 
man is y bore wiyout eny 
helyng / naked & bar . anone 
at his birye he gyney forto 
wepe atte bygynyng liche to 
a best . but his lymes failey 
hym & may nouzt help hym- 
self . But he is febler yan any 
oy r beste * he kan noon helpe ' 
he may nouzt do of hymself 
but wepe wiy al his myzte. 



CAXTON'S TEXT, 1483. 
(Sig, 10 4 verso). 

Ero that day forth the body 
that is corrupt by synne greu- 
eth the soule The flesshe 
coueyteth ayenste the soule 
and mannes wyttes torne and 
assente lightly to euyl A 
mannes oune meynal wyttes / 
be his owne enemyes / so that 
al mannes lyf is in temptation 
whyle he lyueth here in erthe . 
& the disposipon of the soule 
ruleth meynteneth / helpeth 
and conf orteth the body / But 
ayeinward the wretched dis- 
position of the bodye dis- 
tourbeth the soule • Also man 
is euer fayllyng and wayward 
he may not stydfastly abyde / 
he falleth lightly but he may 
not lightly aryse / Profyt of 
byrth is sorow and care in 
lyuyng and man must nedes 
dye And thaugh. oil other 
that be made haue shelles 
ryndes skynnes . wolle heer 
bristels feders wynges owther 
skals / Man is born withoute 
ony helyng or keueryng 
nakede and bare / anone at 
his birth . he gynneth for to 
wepe atte begynnyng lyke a 



BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 4. 



259 



beest but his lymmes fayllen 
hym and maye not helpe hym 
self • but he is febler than ony 
other beeste / he can noon 
helpe / he may nought doo of 
hym self but wepe with al his 
niyght No beest hath lyf 
more brutyl & vnseker / None 
hath sekenesse more greuous 
noon more lykyng to do other- 
wyse than he shuld . none is 
more cruel Also other bestes 
loue eueryche other of the 
same kynde . and dwell to 
gyder and be not cruel / but 
to beestes of other kynde that 
be contrary to hem / But man 
torneth that maner doyng vp 
so downe and is contrary to 
hymself and cruel to other 
men / 

This is one of the most common of Caxton's works, at least 
thirty copies being known, of which half are in various public 
libraries. 



No best hay lif more brutel 
and vnsiker. Noon hay seke- 
nesse more greuous * noon 
more likynge to do oy r wise 
than he sholde / noon is more 
cruwel Also oy r bestes louey 
eueche oye of ye same kynde 
& woney to gedres & bey 
nouzt cruwel but to bestes 
of other kynde y* ben con- 
trairie to hem But man 
torney y* maner doyng vpso- 
doii & is contr'ie to hym self 
& cruel to oy r men 



No. 47. — The Pilgrimage op the Soul. " Emprynted at 
westmestre by william Caxton, and fynysshed the sixth 
day of June," 1483. 

Collation. — An unsigned 2 n , with the first leaf blank ; a t) 
Ctiefgfjiftlmttare 4 ns , with a j blank ; is a 3" with 
the last two leaves blank. Total 114 leaves, of which four are 
blank. 

Typographical Particulars. — There is no title - page. 
The type throughout is No. 4. The lines are of an equal 
length, and measure 4! inches. A full page has forty lines. 
There is a running head to the pages, and the leaves have 



26o WILLIAM CAXTON. 

printed folios, numbered very carelessly. Space has been left 
for the insertion of 2, 3, and 6-line initials. Commencing 
with a blank, the title and table follow on folio tj, which is 
unsigned. 

The Text begins, on the second leaf, thus : — 

dFolto tj 

3H)is fiooft is intgtleti tge pplgremage of tije sotole / trans- 
late || cute of dFrenssije in to <£ngl£ssf)e/ tofjtrfje fioofc ts 
ful of tieuonte || maters touring tfje sotole / ant» mang ques- 
tions assogleti to cau II se a man to l#ue tfje tetter in tfjis 
toorl* / %lni it contegnetfj fgue H fioofces / as it apperetf) fjer^ 
after fig (tffjapgtres 

The Text ends on the fourth leaf of sig. 0, and the verso oi 

folio <&r, 

%ere enoetf) tfje tireme of pglgremage of t^e soule trans- 
late || out of dF**ttssf)e tn to G£ngl£ssfje initf) somtofjat of 
a*oietons/tfje gere of our lor* / MM®<&® I & tfjgrten/ 
anft entietfj in tfje 3Etgg || le of segnt 2$artfjolometo 

<£mprgntetf at toestmestre fig OTillfam (taton / &ntr 
fgngssfjeti || tfje sutjj iiag of Sfugn / tfje gere of our lorfi / 
J§L<M<E<& / Ixxxiii || Enti tfje first pere of tfje regne of 
itgnge ^toarb tfje fgftfje / 1| 

This is the only book from the press of Caxton having the 
name of Edward Y in the colophon. 

Remarks. — The common custom among preachers of the 
Middle Ages of engaging the attention of their hearers by 
spiritualising tales and even jests current among the people is 
well known. This practice seems to have suggested to a monk 
named Guillaume de Deguilleville the idea of moralising the 
celebrated " Roman de la Rose." His poem was divided into 
three parts, and completed about 1335. It contains more than 
36,000 lines, and its title is " Le Romant des trois Pelerinages." 
These three pilgrimages are "Le pelerinage de la vie humaine;" 



BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 4. 261 

" Le pelerinage de l'Ame ; " and " Le pelerinage du Jesus 
Christ." Brit. Mus. Add it. MS. 22937 contains the three 
parts complete. None of these appear to have been printed. 
Not satisfied, however, with the result of his labours, Guillaume 
again set to work and recast the whole poem, with many ampli- 
fications and additional verses. This, which was finished about 
1350, and of which a manuscript copy is in the Bib. Imp. 
Paris, 6988 s , is the text of which several editions were issued 
from the early French press. 

Nearly a century passed when another monk, Jehan de 
Gallopes, transposed the rhymes of Deguilleville into French 
prose. This was with the object of modernising the old lan- 
guage, or, as he says, " pour esclaircir et entendre la matiere 
la contenue." Gallopes, however, apparently extended his 
labours no further than "The Pelerinage de L'Ame," and 
here we find the text used by the translator of " The Pyl- 
gremage of the Sowle," printed in 1483 by our William 
Caxton. Manuscripts of the prose " Pelerinage de l'Ame " 
are very scarce, but a perfect copy is in Bib. Imp. Paris, No. 
7086. 

Of the author and translators mentioned above, but little 
can be said. Guillaume de Deguilleville was monk, and after- 
wards prior, of the Abbey of Chalis ; and this seems all that 
is known of him. His name appears in the later manuscripts 
as Guillaume de Guilleville, and is mostly so printed, but is 
spelt correctly in some of the early French printed editions. 
In a fourteenth century manuscript, already noticed, the name 
appears "de Deguilleville," and that this is the true ortho- 
graphy is placed beyond question by an acrostic, consisting of 
two "chansons" in the French text. Here the author has 
veiled himself in the initial letters of each line, and by putting 
these together we obtain his real name, " Guillaume de Deguille- 
ville." 

"Jean de Gallopes, dit le Galoys," as we learn from the 
prologue to his French prose version, was the " humble chapel- 
lain" to John, Duke of Bedford and Kegent of France, for 
whom the translation was undertaken. It was, therefore, 
executed before the death of the Kegent, in 1435, and there 



262 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

seems reason to suppose that its author was an Englishman. 
In the Imperial Library, Paris, is a manuscript, mentioned 
by M. Paris (Les Msc. Frang., vol. v, page 132), entitled 
" Vie de Jesus Christ," which is attributed also to Gallopes, but 
which appears to be a different work from the third " Pilgrim- 
age " of Deguilleville. 

To John Lydgate, monk, of Bury, is generally attributed the 
English version of " The Pylgremage of the Sowle," and pro- 
bably with truth, as some of the additional poems found here 
form a part also of Lydgate's well-known poem " The Life of 
our lady." He is also supposed, from internal evidence of 
style, to be the author of " The Pilgrimage of man " (Cotton 
MSS.j Yitel. C. xn), an English metrical translation of Deguille- 
ville's "Pelerinage de la vie humaine." 

The numerous copies of the " Pilgrimages " still extant in our 
old libraries prove that they must have attained a considerable 
amount of popularity. In Prance there were several printed 
editions, but in England, probably owing to the growth of the 
Reformation, " The Pylgremage of the Sowle," printed by Cax- 
ton, is the only known edition. 

Copies are in the British Museum, St. John's, Oxford, and 
Sion College, London; also in the Althorpe and Britwell 
Libraries. 

There is no connection whatever between this work and 
Bunyan's "Pilgrim's Progress." Caxton's book treats of the 
journey and trial of the soul after death, the only point in 
common being that both are supposed to happen in a dream. 
"The Pilgrimage of man " is nearer in idea, but equally distinct 
in treatment. 



No. 48. — A Vocabulary in French and English. Folio. 
Sine ulld notd. 1483 ? 

Collation. — Two 4 113 , and one 5", unsigned =26 leaves, 
the first being, doubtless, blank. 

Typographical Particulars. — There is no title of any sort. 
The type is No. 4 throughout. 42 lines in double column 



BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 4. 263 

(84 lines) make a full page, and the long lines measure 
2§ inches. The words " Frensshe and " Englissh " appear 
as head-lines to every page. Without folios, catchwords, or 
initials. 

The Text begins, in double column, on the 2nd recto, 
thus : — 

jfxmszty <£ngltssf) 

<&2 commence ia tafile Jgter fieggnnetf) tje tatle 

Be cest prouffgtafile tioctrtne <&i tfjts prouffgtafcle lewgnge 
^our trouuer tout par ortrene dFor to fgnfte all tig otto 
(£e que on boultira aprento 2Tf)at tofjtdje ben toglle lewe 

The Text ends, with seven lines on the 26th recto, thus : — 

dFrenssfje <£ngltssf) 

Ha (Elrace fie satnct espcrtt W§z grace of tf)e f)olg gljoost 
£icul enlummer les cures OTiglle enlpgjte tl)e fjertes 
3Be ceulx qui le aprenfiront Of tjjem tfjat sjall lerne it 
<&t nous fiotnst perseuerance %LriH bs ggue per.seueraunce 
(£n fionnes operactons 3?n gooft toerto 

<£t apres caste bie transttorte &nfi after tf)ts Igf transttorte 
Ha parfcurafole toge & glorte Cfjeeuertotgngtogeanfiglorte 

"A Book for Travellers" is the title given to this work in 
Typ. Ant. voL i, page 315, but as there is no especial suit- 
ability in it for the use of travellers, and as from its composi- 
tion it appears to have been formed with a scholastic aim, it 
has been thought advisable to change so evident a misnomer. 

No manuscript of this compilation in French or English 
is known to exist, nor is there any clue to the author. 

A copy is in each of the four following libraries — Eipon 
Cathedral, Bamborough Castle, Earl Spencer, and Duke of 
Devonshire. 

Xo. 49. — The Festial (Liber Festialis). First Edition. 
Folio. " Emprynted at Westmynster by Wyllyam Caxton 
the laste day of Juyn, 1483." 

Collation.— a fccfiefgijtfclmn are 4™, a j being 
blank; and p are 3 ns r=n6 leaves, of which one is blank. 



264 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

Typographical Particulars. — There is no title of any sort. 
The type is entirely No. 4*, which here appears for the first 
time. The lines, which are fully spaced out, measure 5 
inches. A full page has 38 lines. Without folios or catch- 
words. Space left for the insertion of 3 to 5-line initials, 
with director. 

Commencing with a blank leaf, the sermon for the First 
Sunday in Advent follows on sig. a tj, space being left for the 
insertion of a 5-line initial. 

The Text begins thus : — 

3l2tg img is callgtr tfje tot sontmg of atment / tfjat 
is tfje sonfoag in ertgtgs comgng / Cfjerfore fjolg 
t cfjtrcfje tfjts trap mafcetfj mencton of tj comgnges 
Cfje tot comgng te to fige manftgntie out of ton 
tiage of tfje beugll antr to firgnge manngs sotole to 
fclggse / &ntr tfjis otfjer comgng sfjal fie at tfje Sag of tiome 

The Text ends on the sixth recto of sig. p, 

bs tfjat for bs fregetr on tfje rootr tree / <©ut cum *eo patre & 
spu||sancto btutt tf regnat tieuis EiH^Jl/ 

Explicit 

<£nprgntefi at TOestmgnster fig togllgam (Kaxton tfje laste 
*ag of $ugn &ttno tromtnt M <&<&<&<& Urattr 

The compiler of " The Festial," John Mirkus, was a canon 
of the Monastery of Lilleshul, an old foundation in Shropshire, 
as we learn from a MS. copy of his work in the Cottonian 
Library. He says that, finding many priests, from incapacity, 
were, like himself, unable to teach their parishioners properly, 
he had taken pains to compile sermons for all the principal 
feasts of the year, which he had extracted chiefly from the 
" Golden Legend." The omission of the prologue, by Caxton, 
as well as the final sermons on the Paternoster and Burial of the 
dead, makes us suspect that our printer had a copy imperfect 
at beginning and end. The subject of nearly every chapter 
in " The Festial " may also be found in the " Golden Legend ; " 



BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 4*. 265 

but, taking the two books, as printed by Caxton, for com- 
parison, it will be seen that the sermons for the Moveable 
Feasts, with which each work commences, have nothing in 
common but their subject, and that the histories of the saints 
are treated very differently, and often disagree even in their 
supposed historical facts. The " Gesta Eomanorum " furnished 
many stories for the "Golden Legends," but in "The Festial" 
that mine of anecdotes has contributed still more largely to 
the illustration and enforcement of the preacher's remarks. 
"The Festial" is yet further removed from our Book of 
Common Prayer, with which it has been associated by some 
writers. With the exception of the names in the calendar there 
is nothing in common between them. 

Although in Caxton's edition of this work it is entirely with- 
out a name, there seems no reason for giving it the Latin title 
by which it is generally known, "Liber Aestivalis." John 
Mirkus, its compiler, who wrote it in English, says, "I will 
and pray that it be called a Festial ; " and, accordingly, it was 
so called by Wynken de Worde in several editions, by Rood of 
Oxford, and by other early printers. 

Copies are at the British Museum, Bodleian, Lambeth, and 
Althorpe. 

Ho. 50. — Four Sermons, etc. (Quatuor Sermoxes, etc.) 
First Edition. Folio. " Enprynted by Wylliam Caxton 
at Westmestre." Without Date. (1483?) 

Collation. — a t C are 4™, fr a 3* = 30 leaves. No blanks. 

Typographical Particulars. — There is no title. The type 
is entirely No. 4*. The lines are fully spaced out, and measure 
5 inches. A full page has 38 lines. "Without folios or catch- 
words. In this book we find, for the first time, the paragraph 
mark " |[ used— a mark which never appears in the early state 
of this type. 

The Text begins on sig. a j, with space for a 3-line initial, 
without director, 

W mapster of sentence in tfjc second fccoc an* tfje 



266 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

first pgstgnction/sagtl) tjat tfje soueragn cause/ 

tofjg goir mafce || al creatures in fjenen ertfje or toater / 

toas Jts oune goofc || nes / tg tfje tofjicfje fje tool* tfjat same of 

On sig. ft uj, recto, 

C ®ty (Eleneralle Sentence* 

<©otr men anft togmmen § fto gou to bnfterstontre tfjat 

g SHe tfjat fjaue cure of pour sotolgs fie commaumftgft of 

our orftenaries anft fcg tfje cogstgtucions an* tfje la^Ee 

of fjolg cfjtrcfje to sfjetoe to gou foure tgmes fig tfje gere 

in ecfje a quarter of tfje gere ongs tofjen tfje peple is most 

The Text ends on the sixth verso of sig. tj f 

resurrecttoms gloria inter sanctos et electos tuos resussitatt 
respi || rent / per xpristum tiomtnm nostrum Emen / \ 

<£nprgnteft fig toglltam GTaiton at toestmestre/ 

Eemarks. — The name of the writer of these homilies is not 
known, nor do they appear attached to any of the manuscripts 
of the Festial above noticed. That they were, however, printed 
by Caxton at the same time as the Festial appears evident from 
the identity of their typographical arrangements, strengthened 
by the fact of their being, in several instances, under the same 
cover. That Caxton also intended to allow their separate use 
may, nevertheless, be deduced from the first gathering having a 
for its signature, and from the existence of some copies unac- 
companied by the Festial. In the Lambeth copy the sermons 
precede the Festial. 

The four sermons are thus apportioned : — 

i. On the Paternoster, the Creed, and the Ten Command- 
ments. 

2. The Seven Sacraments, the Seven Deeds of Mercy, and 
the Seven Deadly Sins. 

3. A continuation of the subject of Deadly Sins. 

4. On Contrition, Confession, and Satisfaction. 

After the sermons are "The General Sentence or Commi- 



BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 4. 267 

nacion," and two forms of bidding prayer, called "The Bedes 
on Sondaye." 

Every priest was obliged by the Canon Law to read the 
" Modus Fulminandi," or Commination, and to preach at least 
one sermon every three months. These homilies appear to have 
been written for this purpose, and would probably meet with a 
good sale among the preaching orders of the clergy. 

Nine copies are known, of which two only are in private 
hands. 

No. 51. — Servitium de Visitations B. Mari^ Virginis. 
Quarto. Sine ulld notd. (148 1-3). 

Collation. — One 4° = 8 leaves, of which the last is blank. 

Typographical Particulars. — The type is entirely No. 4. 
The lines, which are fully spaced out, measure 3 \ inches in 
length; there are 26 lines to a full page. Without signatures, 
folios, or catchwords. 

The first leaf is wanting in the only copy known. The 
second recto commences with space for a 2-line initial, with 
director, 

P 3&ima attt mif)t tunc aurora refulsit & 

jorrite polo fugientifi? bmtris celo ru 

hmtnU tite btcunq? a itocte tettnxt ♦ tuc quo 

followed, on the same page, by — 

2Uctio srcta 

On the verso is — 

Eecttottes to <BmtV . p octauas prima me 

giving the lessons for the week. On the fourth recto is — 

Etr mtgj&am Sntrottus 

The sixth verso begins — 

(©ratio sanctismmt . ft . n . gixti pape partt 

The Text ends on the seventh verso, two lines short of a full 
page, 



268 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

tt eiultattoc ppetua renascamur . 3?er xpm 
trominu nostru 

The only Existing Copy is in the British Museum (C. 21. 
c), and, although wanting the first leaf, has the final blank. 
Measurement, 8f x 5! inches. 



No. 52. SEX PERELEGANTISSIJLE EPISTOL^S PER PeTRUM CaR- 

melianum emendate. Quarto. Per Willelmum Caxton. 
In Westmonasterio. (1483.) 

Collation. — a ft C are 4 ns = 24 leaves, of which a J is 
blank. 

Typographical Particulars. — There is no title-page. The 
types used are ISTos. 4 and 4*. The lines, which are spaced to 
an even length, measure 3^ inches, and there are 26 to a page. 
"Without catchwords or folios. The whole appearance of the 
print is like the " Servitium de Yisitatione " and the " Order of 
Chivalry." 

The use of types 4 and 4* together points unmistakably to 
1483 as the period of issue; and this date, gathered from the 
typographical particulars only, is completely verified by the 
letters themselves, the dates of which range from December 
nth, 1482, to February, 1483. 

The Text begins on a tj recto, with an introduction which 
occupies three pages. 

5 Qrxcules ta Jftxwxit tn eo tmcatu 
benetoru arm is constttutus paulo post 
bctusttsstmus eorum bt'olat tmmunttatcs/ 
tntt foefius cum STfjertrmantoo Iftcge iftea^ 
polttano JHetrtoIancnsutm "truce / et florets 
tmorum repu / quoft per bcneta foetior' no 
Itcefiat / 2Renett propria reposcunt / tile ter^ 
cjtuersatt / Xgstus ponttfex partus / reltc^ 
Cfjettunatoi foctr &c* 

The six letters begin on sig. a tt} verso. On c 8 recto is the 
following colophon : — 



BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. \. 269 

dFmtunt sex p'eleganttsstme eptsfole / 
quarum trts a summo ^onttfice g>ixto 
Quarto et Sacro (tfat&maltum (Kollegio 
ati miustrtsstmum 2Eenettanim tmcem 
foannem filocemgum totftemqtf afi ipso 
JBuce atJ euribem ^onttfieem et <&artmta= 
les / ofi ^Ferrartense fcellum suseeptum / ton- 
seripte sunt/ gmpresse per totilelmum (&ax? 
ton/et Mtgentec emendate pec $ettum 
(Eameltanu ^oetat' Haureatum in TOest- 
numastetto 

Beneath this is a Latin quatrain, beginning 

<£loptt eultor, 

followed by 

Snterpretatto magnarum Ittteratum punctatawm patua^ 
rumpe. 

The Text ends with 23 lines on the verso of the same leaf. 

Remarks. — These six letters passed between the Sacred 
College of Cardinals on one side and the Doge of Venice on 
the other, the subject being the necessity of closing the war 
with the City of Ferrara. 

Petrus Carrnelianus, the editor of these letters, is noticed 
by Mr. Gairdner, in his preface to the " Memorials of King 
Henry the Seventh," published in 1858, for the Master of the 
Rolls, as having been in England from the time of Edward the 
Fourth. He may, therefore, have personally employed Caxton 
to print his "Sex Epistolse." The title "Brixiensis" some- 
times attached to his name shows that he was a native of the 
town of Brescia. He seems to have taken an interest in educa- 
tional matters, as verses by him to John Anwykyl and to 
William Waynflete, Bishop of Winchester, are prefixed to the 
" Compendium totius grammaticae," printed at Oxford about 
1482-83. Some more of his poetry is printed in the Oxford 
"Phalaris" of 1485. Tanner assigns to Carrnelianus the fol- 
lowing promotions — Rector of St. George's, Southwark, 1490; 
Prebend of York, 1498; Archdeacon of Gloucester, 151 1; 



270 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

Prebend of London, 15 19. Being in such favour, no wonder 
that he waxed rich, and that when, in 1522, "an annual grant 
was made by the Spirituality for the King's personal expenses 
in France for the recovery of the Crown," the name of " Mr. 
Petrus Carmelianus " appears among the " Spiritual Persons " 
for the handsome sum of £^2>2> & s - 8d. In the Calendar of 
State Papers, where he is called " Latin Secretary of King 
Henry the Seventh," mention is made of a letter sent to him 
from Ferdinand and Isabella of Spain, thanking him for his 
services, and promising him favour and reward. On the pro- 
jected marriage of Prince Charles of Castile with the Princess 
Mary of England he wrote a poem in Latin, printed by Pynson 
about 1 5 1 4, of which a unique copy is in the Grenville Library 
(see Archceologia, vol. xviii.) In the same library is a manu- 
script poem on the birth of the Prince of Wales (i486), another 
copy, beautifully illuminated, being among the royal MSS. in 
the British Museum. Both are evidently in the handwriting 
of Carmelianus, the latter being his presentation copy to the 
king. The argument of this poem is so characteristic of the 
age that it is worth noting. Almighty God, compassionating 
the miserable state of England lacerated with civil war, com 
voked a meeting of the Saints in Heaven to ask their opinions 
as to how the long-standing dispute between the Houses of 
York and Lancaster might be composed. The saints reply that, 
if the Omniscient Deity cared for any of their counsels, no one 
was better qualified to state how the wars might be terminated 
than King Henry the Sixth (already in heaven), who knew the 
country and the causes of dissension, and they recommended 
that he should be appealed to. Henry is accordingly called 
upon to reply to the Supreme Being, and proposes that the two 
houses should be united so as to be one house, for which an 
opportunity then offered by the marriage of the Earl of Rich- 
mond with the Princess Elizabeth. The Deity approves and 
decrees its execution, the marriage takes place, and the poem 
terminates with an exhortation to England to rejoice on account 
of the prince's birth. Carmelianus died August 18th, 1527; 
John de Giglis, Bishop of Worcester, in 1497, his contemporary 
and countryman, also employed Caxton to print Indulgences. 



BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 4. 271 



A manuscript, " Carmen de Vere," * in the British Museum, 
which is dedicated to Edward Prince of Wales (afterwards 
Edward V), dated April 1482, affords some information from 
the pen of Carmelian himself. He says that for the previous 
ten years he had been travelling about the world, having very 
lately arrived in England, with the intention of proceeding to 
Germany and Switzerland ; but, captivated by the pleasantness 
of the country, he had been unable to leave it. He adds that 
his poem was written to gain the favour of the prince. Whence 
his dignity of Poeta laureatus was obtained is not known. 

The only copy known of this tract was discovered in the year 
1874 by Dr. G. Konnecke, archivist of Marburg, in an old 
volume of seventeenth century divinity, in the Hecht-Heinean 
Library at Halberstadt. It was described in the "Neuer 
Anzeiger" of Dr. Julius Petzholdt for October 1874; also in 
the Athenaeum for February 27th, 1875. 

No. 53. — Confessio Amantis. Large Folio. " Enprynted at 
Westmestre by me Willy am Caxton the ij day of Septem- 
bre I a thousand / CCCC Ixxxxiij (a typographical error 
for Ixxxiij). 

Collation. — A 4° signed ij, iij, Hi), the first and eighth 
leaves being blank, followed by a 4 11 , signed on the second leaf 
only 1 2, the first leaf being blank ; then fcctftffgfjtftlltt 
It p (J X t It X £ ? # a 33 all 4 ns ; <& a 3 n , with the sixth 
leaf blank. In all 222 leaves, of which four are blank. 

Typogkaphical Particulars. — There is no title-page. Type 
No. 4 is used for sigs. 1 to I; sigs. $Z to (j£, as well as the 
introductory matter, are in type No. 4*, while sigs. |> and £ are 
partly in one and partly in the other. Where type JSTo. 4 is 
used there are 46 lines to a column, and 44 lines of type No. 
4*. On sig. £ tttj recto the two types appear in the same page, 
the first column being in No. 4 and the second in No. 4*. 
Without catchwords or folios. Space left for inserting 2 to 
6-line initials, with director. The signatures at the beginning 

* Reg. 12 A xxix, the particulars of which were kindly communicated 
by Mr. Bond, keeper of the MSS. 



272 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

of the volume are irregularly printed, aud show the want of a 
settled plan in the printer's mind. The first 4 11 , which, as it 
includes the index, must have been printed last, is properly 
signed ; but, on beginning the book, it appears as if the com- 
positor thought there could be no use for signatures if every 
leaf had a printed folio, and accordingly they were omitted 
except on the second sheet, which is signed in Arabic numerals 
onty. The inconvenience of this being seen, the folios were 
omitted, and the signatures printed in the second 4 n , fi ; while 
in sig. C both plans are united, and we have signatures and 
folios too to the end of the book — the latter, however, with 
continual errors. The introductory 4 11 is not included in the 
enumeration of the folios. Note that sig. fi 4 is printed 2 4, 
and that from sig. p to the end the Arabic numerals used in 
the signatures give place to Roman numerals. The book is in 
double column throughout. The date in the colophon is printed 
a thousand CCCC lxxxxiij, a typographical error, which would 
have led to some confusion had not the regnal year, " the first 
year of the reign of King Eichard the third," been also added, 
fixing the right date as 1483. 

Commencing with a blank leaf, the paragraph title and 
table follow on sig. \), space being left for a 3-line initial, with 
director. 

The Text begins thus : — 

j§is fioofe is intitule* Jjoto tje toorl* toas first of 
X confess || sio amantis / goltie / & || after altoeg toerse 

tfiat is to sage || in & toerse folio bj II 
englgssfie tfie eonfessgon of|| 
tfie louer maafi an* eom^ 
pgle* fig II Sfofian Softer 
spger fiortte in toalgs || &fius enteti) tfie prologue 

The Text ends on the verso of sig. (& 5, jFoltO <M*j with 
colophon in first column, 

©nprgnte* at toestmestre 
fig me || TOiillgam (taton 
an* fgngssljet tfie tj|| tag of 



BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 4. 273 

Septemto tfje fgrst sere of 
tjje 1 regne of Itpng 2& id) arfc 
tije tf)grti / tfje || pere of our 

io^atiiou»ani»/arari2rar/ii 

Ixmtt j / 

Eemarks. — The life and poetical writings of the " moral " 
Gower have received frequent illustrations from modern critics. 
His chief work, the " Confessio Amantis," appears to have been 
begun about 1386 and completed in 1392-3. It was originally 
dedicated to Richard II, but, on the wane of that monarch's 
power, Gower suited himself to the changing times, and recast 
his prologue. The copies made after this version are termed 
Lancastrian. The Latin verses and the marginal index are in 
some manuscripts, as in Caxton's printed edition, included in 
the text. They were, Dr. Pauli believes, the original composi- 
tion of Gower, abounding, like his other poetry, in instances of 
false prosody and even bad grammar. The verses are imitations 
in the manner of Boethius, but often unintelligible. 

Seventeen copies are extant. British Museum (3); Cam- 
bridge; Pembroke College, Cambridge; Hereford Cathedral; 
Lambeth ; Queens' College and All Souls, Oxford ; and eight 
in private libraries. 



No. 54. — The Book which the Knight of the Tower 

MADE TO THE " ENSEYGNEMENT " AND TEACHING OP 

His daughters. Folio. " Emprynted at Westmynstre 
the laste day of Januer the fyrst yere of the regne of 
Kynge Rychard the thyrd." (i.e. 1484.) 

Collation. — A 2 n , signed on second leaf only tj; af)C 
tJ e f g ^ t fe I 1tt are 4 ns ; n a 3* with the last two leaves 
blank. In all 106 leaves, of which two are blank. 

Note — sig. c tttj is wrongly printed ft tttj, and the first 
leaf of ft is without any signature. 

Typographical Particulars. — There is no title-page. The 
type, as far as sig. f, is No. 4, and forty lines, each 4! inches 
long, make a full page. From sig. f j to the end the type is 

s 



274 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

No. 4*, with 38 lines, each 4J inches long, to the page. The 
lines are fully spaced out. Without folios or catchwords. 
Space is left for 3, 4, and 6-line initials, with directors. 

The Text commences with the prologue on an unsigned leaf, 
with space for a 3-line initial jH, 

Ele bertuouse iroetrgne & tecjgnge fjafc & lernetr of 
a sucf)e||as fjaue entieuourefo tfjem to leue for a remem= 
firaunce 

On sig. a j recto, 

Jgere fieggnnetf) ifje fioofc Mjtcfje tge ftnggijf of tge toure 
matie / Entr speltetf) of mang fagre ensamples antf tj)en~ 
sggnementgs antt tecfigng $$ W fcougjjters 

The Text ends on the fourth verso of sig. n, 

Jgere fgngssfjeti tfje fioo&e / tofjtcge tfje fcnggfjt of tf)e Coure 
ma || to to tf)e enseggnement anfi tecfjgng of Jig toughers 
tramsla || tetr oute of dFrenssj) in to our maternal! ^nglgssfje 
tongue fig || me OTitlltam (Eaxton / toi)tef)e fioofc to entree 
& fgnps^e* tj)e || fgrst trap of $ugn / tjje gere of oure lorft 

ja arorarar iraur 

&nft enprgnteti at toestmgnstre tjje last trap of ganguer tje 
fgrst gere of tfje regne of fcgnge Hgefjar* tfje tfjgr* 

Eemarks. — In the department of "Maine et Loire," between 
Chollet and Vezins, may still be seen the ruins of an ancient 
chateau, called "Latour-Landry." Archaeologists ascribe the 
structure to the twelfth century. The place originally bore the 
name of "La Tour " only, the old family name of the owners 
being " Landry ; " but eventually the two were combined, and 
" De la Tour Landry " became the patronymic of a long race of 
knights. The earliest instance of the double name is found 
in a document dated 1200. Passing over the history of the 
family, we will confine ourselves to Geoffrey and his book, 
"pour l'enseignment de ses filles." The date of neither his 
birth nor death is known. He was at the siege of Aiguillon 



BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 4. 275 

in 1346, when he must be supposed to be at least of the age of 
twenty years. He tells us he wrote his book in 137 1, which 
would make him, at the youngest, 45 years old, though he was 
probably older. In all the illuminated copies of his work 
he is represented as discoursing with his three daughters, for 
whose instruction in their journey through life it was written, 
as the knight himself in a preface informs us. 

He had also sons, as we learn that a similar work had 
previously been undertaken for their instruction, " as hit is 
reherced in the booke of my two sonnes, and also in an 
Euangely." (See Caxton's edition, sig. tt 4.) It is interesting 
to note here, as an instance of the entire disappearance of books 
once well known, that neither of these compositions of the 
knight are known now to exist. We also learn that in the 
compilation of this work he called to his aid two priests, who 
read to him the Bible, the " Gesta," and various chronicles of 
France, England, and other countries. To this may, perhaps, 
be attributed the predominance of the ecclesiastical element in 
this book. The knight originally intended to write the whole 
work in verse, but finding that method necessitated a less 
concise narration, he soon changed his composition into prose. 
In the original French, however, a considerable portion of the 
introduction, though prose to the eye, will be found to have 
retained its metrical form. 

Several writers have denounced the work as obscene, and 
more fitted for the corruption than the instruction of youth ; 
while others, taking into consideration the manners of that age, 
have arrived at the very opposite conclusion. At any rate, it 
is plain our Caxton thought highly of it : he says in his preface, 
" I advise every gentleman or woman having children, desiring 
them to be virtuously brought forth, to get and have this book, 
to the end that they may learn to govern them virtuously in 
this present life." He tells us also the occasion of his tran- 
slating and printing it, which was " at the request of a noble 
lady which hath brought forth many noble and fair daughters, 
which he virtuously nourished." An interesting article upon 
this work appeared in the Retrospective Review: New Series, 
1827 ; vol. i, part ii, page 177. See also, Le Litre du Chevalier 



276 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

de la Tour Landry, par M. Anatole de Montaiglon. 12 mo. 
Paris, 1854. 

We must here notice that, although the anonymous English 
translation (Harl. 1764) preceded that by Caxton, a comparison 
of the two versions makes it evident that our printer owed 
nothing to his predecessor. M. Montaiglon, indeed, from a 
literary point of view, gives a decided preference to the earlier 
text. 

The following amusing extract is suggestive of Shakspere's 
"Taming of the Shrew." Act V, Scene II. 

How a woman sprange vpon the table * Capitulo xviij. 

N a tyme it happed that Marchauntes of Fraunce cam 
J from certayn Fayres / where as they sought Draperye / 

and as they cam with Marchaundyse fro Roan / that one 
of them said / it is a moche fayre thynge a man to haue a wif 
obeysaunt in alle thynges to her husbond / Yerayly sayde that 
one / my wyf obeyeth me well / And the second said . J trowe / 
that my wyf obeye me better / ye sayd the thyrd / lete laye a 
wager / that whiche wyf of vs thre that obeyeth best her 
husbond / and doeth sonnest his commaundement that he 
wynne the wager / wherupon they waged a Jewele / and ac- 
corded al thre to the same / & sworen that none shold aduertyse 
his wyf of this bargayn / sauf only to saye to her / doo that 
whiche J shall commaunde what soeuer it be / After when they 
cam to the first mans hows / he sayd to his wyf Sprynge in to 
this bacyne / and she answerd / wherfore or what nede is it . 
And he said by cause it playsyth me so / and J wyll that thou 
do so / Truly said she J shall knowe fyrst wherfor J shall 
sprynge / And soo she wold not doo it ■ And her husbond waxe 
moche angry and felle / and gafe her a buffet / After thys they 
cam to the second marchauntes hows / and he saide to his wyf 
lyke as that other saide / that she wold doo his commaundement / 
And it was not long after that he said to her Sprynge in to the 
basyn / And she demaunded hym wherfore / And at the last 
ende for ought that he dyde / she dyd it not / wherfore she was 
beten as that other was / Thenne cam they to the thyrd mans 



BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 4. 277 

hous And there was the table couered • and mete set theron And 
the marchaunt said to thother marchauntes in theyr eres / that 
after dyner he wold commaunde her to sprynge in to the bacyn / 
And the husbond sayd to his wyf / that what someuer he com- 
maunded her she shold do it / his wyf whiche that moche louyd 
hym and dred hym herd wel the word . And it was so that they 
bygan to ete / and there was no salt vpon the table / And the 
goodman sayd to his wyf / Sail sur table And the good wyf 
whiche hadde fere to disobeye hym / sprang vpon the table and 
ouerthrewe table / mete / wyn / and platers to the ground / How 
said the good man / is this the manere / Cone ye none other 
playe but this / are ye mad or oute of youre wyt . Syre said she / 
J haue done your comniaudement / haue ye not said that youre 
commaundement shold be done what someur it was. Certaynly 
J haue it done to my power how be it that it is youre harme 
and hurte as moche as myn . For ye sayd to me that J shold 
spryge on the table / J said he / J sayd ther lacked salt vpon the 
table / Jn good feyth J vnderstode said she for to spryng / thene 
was ther laughter ynouz & al was taken for a bourd and a moc- 
querye / Thenne the other two Marchauntes said it was no 
nede to late her sprynge in the basyn / For she had done 
ynough / And that her husband had wonne the wager . . . And 
thus ought euery good woman to fere and obeye her lord & hus- 
bonde and to do his commaundement is hit right or wrong / yf 
the commaundement be not ouer outrageous / And yf ther 
be vyce therin / she is not to blame / but the blame abydeth 
vppon her lord and husbonde. 

There are two copies in the British Museum, one at Cam- 
bridge, one at Oxford, and two in private libraries. 



No. 55. — Caton. Folio. Without Printer's Name, Place, or 
Date. " Translated . . . by William Caxton in thabbey 
of Westmynstre the yere of our lord M CCCC Ixxxiij." 
(1484 9 

Collation. — The prologues and table a 3", signed \\ and 
Hi on the second and third rectos, the first and last leaves 



278 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

being blank : then a t C fc Z f Q f) are 4 ns ; t a 5 11 ; a \ and 
t 10 being blank. In all eighty leaves, of which four are 
blank. 

Typographical Particulars. — There is no title-page. Two 
sizes of type are used : No. 2 for the Latin headings, and "No. 
4* for the Text. The lines, which are fully spaced out, 
measure 4§ inches, and there are 38 to a full page. Without 
folios or catchwords. Space is left for the insertion of 3-line 
initials, sometimes with and sometimes without directors. 

Commencing with a blank leaf, Caxton's short prologue and 
his dedication to the City of London follow on sig. \). 

The Text begins thus : — 

C 3*|ere fiegpnnetfi tje prologue or profjemge of tyz ooofc 
calltfr || <£aton/ toijtcfje ooofce fjatf) oen translate in to <&n? 
glnssfje fcg || J&apster l&znzt iSurgf) / late Ercijetrefcen of 
<SolcJ)estre antr || J)ge djanon of saint Stephens at toestmestre/ 
bjf)tcf) ful craftlpjfjati) mate ft in fcalatre rnal for tfje erufc 
cton of mn. lortr 2Sou^ || sf)er / £one & fjenr at tjjat tpme to mg 
lorft tfje erle of <£stse.r || Enfi fcg cause of late cam to mg 
fjanti a fiobfe of tfje jsattr (ftaton || in dFrenssfje / tojicfje 
refjerceti) mang a fagr lerngnge anti nota || file ensamples / 
§ tjaue translator it oute of frenssjje tn to (&n || glgssfje / 
as al along fjere after sfjalle appiere / tofjtd) gjf presente 
unto tfje <£gte of lontion / 

$nto tf)e noole auncgent antr renometi <Egte/tf)e 
b <£gte || of loridon in <£nglon* / § Militant OTaxton 

(ftgtcfegn || & conturge of tfje same /&of tije frater- 
ngte anti felausfjtp II of tfje mercerge otoe of rggfjt mg 
serugse $z goofc togll / antr of 

The table follows, making, with the introductory matter, eight 
printed pages, the whole concluding on the fifth verso, with the 
sixth blank leaf. After another blank is the Gloss, headed by 
a quotation of seven lines of Latin in type No. 3, with a if for 
the signature. 

The Text ends on the ninth recto of sig. t, the tenth leaf 
being blank, 



BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 4. 279 

tijgnge men mag intitule tfjts Igtell ooofc tfje mgrour of tfje 
te|| ggme & gouernement of tfje 00*2 an* of tfje sotole/ 

Jgere fgngssfjeti) ttii^ present foocfc tojnefje ts sagtr or 
calle*||<ftatf)on translate* ottte of dFrenssfje in to <£nglgssf)e 
fig W&ilU II fam <taton tn tfjafifcej) of toestmgnstre tfje pere 
of oure lor* || M <&<&<&& Ixxxiij / gin* tfje fgrst £ere of tfje 
regne of fcgnge || Iftgefjar* tje tf)£t* tfjexxttj *ag of *eeemfire 

Kemarks. — In his prologue Caxton says, " To the end that the 
histories and examples that be contained in this little book may 
be lightly found . . . they shall be set and entitled by manner of 
Rubrics . . . and they shall be signed as that followeth of the 
number of leaves where they shall be written." Accordingly 
the numbers given in the table agree with their proper folios, 
but these folios are not inserted, either in print or manuscript, 
in the body of the work, rendering the table almost useless. 

Caxton says in his preface that he translated from a French 
copy, "which rehearsed many a fair learning and notable 
example ; " and some portions of his own introductory matter 
suggest also a French original. Were a manuscript to be found, 
its title would probably agree with Caxton's concluding descrip- 
tion of the work — " the mirror of the regime, and government 
of the body and of the souL" 

The year 1483 is usually assigned to the printing of this 
book ; but as the translation was not ended till December 23rd, 
it seems improbable that it was printed till 1484. 

As already noticed, this " Caton " is a very different work 
from the composition known as " Catho Magnus," the distichs 
of which serve here only as a text whereon to hang an extensive 
gloss. A short notice of " Mayster Benet Burgh " has already 
been given. 

There are copies in the British Museum, Cambridge, 
Glasgow, Oxford, Exeter College, Oxford, and seven in private 
hands. 



28o WILLIAM CAXTON. 



No. 56. — The Golden Legend. Largest Folio. First Edi- 
tion. " Fynysshed at westmestre the twenty day of 
nouembre / the yere of our lord M f CCCG / Ixxxiij I 
By me "Wyllyam Caxton." (1484 1) 

Collation. — An unsigned 3" with first and sixth leaves 
blank ;afoctu£gf)t&lmnopqrj3ttt;r££&are4 ns ; 

5> HL 3E are 4 ns ; X a 3 11 ; § is a single sheet, followed by a 
single leaf, the back edge of which is sometimes returned round 
g, and sometimes sewn separately ; aa fit CC tltf ZZ ff are 4 ns ; 
93 a 3 n '> M « 4 ns ; &fc a 3 n , fcfc 6 being blank. In all 449 
leaves, of which three are blank. 

Typographical Particulars. — There is no title-page. 
There are two sizes of type, No. 3 being used for head-lines 
and headings to chapters, while No. 4* is used for the text. 
The whole is in double columns, and the lines, which are fully 
spaced out, measure three inches; 55 lines in a column, and 
no to a full page. There are folios throughout, but numbered 
very irregularly. Space is left for the insertion of 3 to 6-line 
initials, with directors. There are no catchwords. Woodcuts 
are used throughout, apparently from the hand of the same 
artist who engraved the cuts for the second edition of the 
" Chess Book." 

The first edition is principally distinguished by the use of 
Type No. 3 for head-lines, &c, and also by a variation in the 
signatures X and f^. Both this and the second edition are 
printed upon very large sheets of paper, larger indeed than 
Caxton ever used before or after. The edition of 1493 * s u P on 
the usual size. 

The first leaf is blank ; on the second recto is a large woodcut 
of Saints, 9 x 6J inches, under which the Text begins thus, 
making a full page : — 



{Woodcut of Saints.) 



BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 4. 



2S1 



gge fjolg $$ fclessetf 
X fcoctour||sagnt ferom 

sagtfj tfjgs aucto || rpte / 
fco altoege somme gooti || 
toerke/to tfjentie tfjat tfje 
fceugl fgntie || tf)e not gtile / 
&nfc tfje fjolp fioctour || sagnt 
austgn sagtfj in tfje fcooft 
of tfje || labour of monfces / 
tfjat no man stronge || or 
roggf)tg to lafcoure ougfjt to 
It gtrte 11 for tofjtcfj cause 
tofjen 3? t)9to parfour- 1| metr 



& accompltssfjeti fcguerse 
toerkgs || & fjgstorges trans^ 
latefc out of frenssfje || in to 
englgssfje at tfje requite of 
rer^ || tegn lories / latiges 
an* gentglmen / 1| as t jg^ 
storge of tfje recugtl of 
Croge / 1| tfje fiooft of tfje 
cfjesse / tfje fjgstorge of || § a^ 
son/Cfje fjgstorge of tfje 
mgrrour||of tfje toorlti / tfje 
xb fiookes of Mtt^ II mor^ 
pfjeseos in tofjgcfje teen eon^ 
tegneti || 



This prologue finishes, half-way down the second column, 
on the verso of the same leaf. On the third recto is anothei 
woodcut, 8 x 4J inches, of a horse galloping past a tree, bearing 
a label, jfHg CWSte 3fS (see a facsimile in Dibdin's Typ. Ant, 
vol. i, page 186). This was the device of William Fitzallan, 
Earl of Arundel, Caxton's patron. Underneath this commences 
Caxton's own prologue, with space for a 3-line initial &, 



Jiti for as mocfje as 

tins || sagtr toerfce toas 

grete & ouer cfjarge^ 

able to me taccompltssfje || $ 

fergti me in tfje iieggnngng 



also fjaue cnprgnteft it in tfje 
moost test || OTigse tfjat $ 
fjaue coutie or mggfjt / anfc || 
presente tfjts sag* took to 
|ts gooti $c II nofcle lorftsfjgp / 



This occupies the whole page. On the third verso the table 
is begun, ending on the sixth recto, with sixteen lines in the 
first column, the rest of the page being blank. It ends thus — 

$ues folio or©®® nbtj 
Explicit 

On sig. a j the original Text is begun, space being left for a 
6-line C, 



282 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

W tgme of tjatmet pgssijfo of ignorance $c 
|?mputeauce/|| to ge gf fje 

or coming of our fjafciso come to fore/ pauen^ 
ture || man mggjt sage gt &P 

lor* in to tfjts toorlft Jig otone merited II 

The Text ends on fcft 5 recto, half-way down the second 
column, 

afore ts mate mencgon/ 
Wtyitty ^^e || f fjaue 
accomplice* at tfje com- 
mamt=||tJemente an* requeste 
of tije nofcle an* || pugssaunte 
erle/an* mg special goo*|| 
lor* ftHgllgam erle of aron- 
*el / $c t)aue || fgngsslje* it at 
toestmestre tfje ttoentg || trap 
of nouemtire / tlje gere of our 
W*\\M I &<&<&& llmiii I 
& tfjefgrst gere || of tj)e reggne 
of l&gng l&gcjjar* tfje || tf)gr* 
ISg me togllgam Ototon 

In the latter half of the thirteenth century, Jacobus de 
Voragine, Archbishop of Genoa, who died in 1298, compiled 
a book called "Legenda Aurea," in which the lives and mir- 
acles of numerous saints were narrated. This was found very 
useful to the priests in their sermons, and soon became so 
popular that it was translated into nearly every European 
language. The Latin text of " Voragine " has been reprinted 
from an early manuscript, and edited by Dr. Th. Graesse, 8vo, 
Lipsise, 1840. It has also received a modern French dress 
under the title " La L^gende dor£e, par Jacques de Voragine, 
traduit du Latin, par M. G. B., 8vo, Paris, 1843." In the 
early part of the fourteenth century, Jean Belet, an author but 
little known to modern bibliographers, though often quoted by 
the writers of his age, translated the Latin of Jacobus into 
French, not, however, without embellishing it with many 



BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 4. 283 

new additions. Shortly after the production of Belet, Jehan 
de Vignay, who has been already noticed as translating the 
Book of Chess, undertook a new version in French of "La 
L^gende doree," which he accomplished before 1380, as he 
dedicated it to "Jeane, royne de France." His translation, 
however, was founded on the previous labours of Belet, which 
he amplified, adding about 44 new legends. About the middle 
of the fifteenth century, certain " worthy Clerks and Doctors of 
Divinity " compiled a " Book of the Life of Saints," which they 
describe as "drawn into English after the tenor of the Latin." 
These worthy Clerks and Doctors, however, would have given 
a much more true account of their labours had they stated that, 
Avith the exception of some additional fables not traceable in 
the original Latin, they owed the whole of their compilation to 
" La Legende dor($e " of Jehan de Vignay. 

It is probable that in Caxton's time the English version here 
noticed was well known ; indeed we may infer this from the 
account given by our Printer of the origin of his own text : 
"Against me here might some persons say, that this Legend 
hath been translated tofore, and truth it is ; but forasmuch as 
I had by me a Legend in French, another in Latin, and the 
third in English, which varied in many and diverse places ; 
and also many histories were comprised in the two other books 
which were not in the English book, therefore I have written 
one out of the said three books." Caxton, with his Latin, 
French, and English copies before him, found a prologue ready 
to his hand in the version by Jehan de Vignay. This, as was 
his wont, he translated literally, merely changing two or three 
of the inapplicable proper names, and adding some personal 
observations of his own. The bulk of his text comes also from 
the same source, being nearly identical with that of the English 
manuscript already noticed ; although to Caxton may be given 
this praise, that in several places where the " worthy doctours 
of divinite " had inserted in their English version some stories 
more incredible or more filthy than usual, he very discreetly 
considerably modified or altogether omitted them. The reader 
curious in this matter may compare the tales about Nero in the 
"Life of St. Peter," as narrated in Harl. 630, with folio 202 



284 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

in Caxton. How much he took from the Latin is impossible 
to say ; nor have I been able to trace to their origin the curious 
explanatory derivations of the name of each saint, which form 
the first paragraph in every "Life." As in "The Eestial," 
many saints in the " Golden Legend " have their lives illustrated 
or interwoven with tales from the "Gesta Romanorum." 

This work may be considered the most laborious, as well as 
the most extensive, of all Caxton's literary and typographical 
labours. The compilation of the text only must have been a 
most arduous task, and the very extensive use of woodcuts 
must have been extremely expensive and troublesome. Caxton, 
indeed, confesses that he was " in a manner half desperate to 
have left it," when the Earl of Arundel, who apparently sug- 
gested the undertaking, sent John Stanney to him, promising 
the Printer a small annuity, and to take a "reasonable quantity" 
of copies when completed. The annuity was to be a buck in 
summer and a doe in winter; but it is not improbable that 
these presents were commuted into a fixed sum of money, as 
was certainly the practice with the Gifts of Wine, which, in the 
fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, were so frequently bestowed 
as rewards for services rendered. As a memorial of the Earl's 
connection with the work, Caxton placed the Arundel device, 
" My truste is," after the preface. 

Although, from the numerous copies still extant, it is evident 
that this edition must have been larger than usual, no perfect 
copy has yet been discovered. The Legend of St. Thomas of 
Canterbury has been a special object of destruction, being, in 
nearly every instance, torn out of the volume. 

While making every allowance for the rudeness of the age 
and the plain speaking then customary, the tendency of many of 
the "Lives" here narrated is so immoral, that many persons 
have doubted whether these legends were really read to congre- 
gations of men and women. But the legacy of several copies 
of this work to the parish church of St. Margaret's, as already 
noticed (p. 159), and the following extract from the will of 
Queen Margaret, prove that the "Golden Legend" was reckoned 
among the Church Service Books : — " Item, I will that mine 
executors purvey a complete Legend in one book, and an Anti- 



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BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 4. 285 

phony in another book ; which books I will be given to abide 
there in the said church to the worship of God as long as they 
may endure." (Norf. and Norwich Arch. Soc, Dec. 1850, foL 

163.) 

This is one of the most common of the productions of 
Caxton's press, and probably a larger number than usual was 
printed. Of the thirty known copies sixteen are divided 
between the British Museum, Cambridge, Corpus and Pem- 
broke, Cambridge, Oxford, Glasgow, Loganian Philadelphia, 
King's College, Aberdeen, Lincoln, Hereford and Bath Cathe- 
drals, Rawlett's Library, Tamworth, others being in private 
libraries. 



No. 57. — Death-bed Praters. A Folio Broadside. (1484?) 

Typographical Particulars. — Types No. 3 and 4* are used. 
The lines are spaced to an even length. It is half a sheet of 
paper printed on one side only. 

From the language of these prayers it is evident that they 
were intended for use by the death-bed. They were probably 
printed in this portable form for priests, and others, to carry 
about with them. 

Although short their interest is great, and the reader may 
not be displeased to read them in the following more modern 
spelling than that of the original. 

glorious Jesu ! meekest Jesu ! most sweetest 
Jesu ! I pray thee that I may have true confession, con- 
trition, and satisfaction ere I die ; and that I may see and 
receive thy holy body, God and man, Saviour of all mankind, 
Christ Jesu without sin. And that thou wilt my Lord God 
forgive me all my sins, for thy glorious wounds and passion. 
And that I may end my life in the true faith of all holy 
church, and in perfect love and charity with my even * Chris- 
tians as thy creature. And I commend my soul into thy holy 
hands through the glorious help of thy blessed mother of mercy, 

* "Even" = "fellow." The gravedigger in Hamlet, act v, sc. I, uses 
the same phrase, " even Christian." 



286 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

our lady Saint Mary, and all the holy company of heaven* 
Amen. IT The holy body of Christ Jesu be my salvation of 
body and soul. Amen. The glorious blood of Christ Jesu 
bring my soul and body into the everlasting bliss. Amen. I 
cry God, mercy ! I cry God, mercy ! I cry God, mercy ! 
Welcome my Maker ! Welcome my Kedeemer ! Welcome my 
Saviour ! I cry thee mercy with heart contrite of my great 
unkindness that I have had unto thee. 

thou most sweet spouse of my soul, Christ Jesu, desiring 
heartily evermore for to be with thee in mind and will, and 
to let none earthly thing be so nigh my heart as thou, Christ 
Jesu ; and that I dread not for to die for to go to thee, Christ 
Jesu ; and that I may evermore say unto thee with a glad cheer, 
my Lord, my God, my sovereign Saviour Christ Jesu, I 
beseech thee heartily take me, sinner, unto thy great mercy and 
grace, for I love thee with all my heart, with all my mind, with 
all my might, and nothing so much in earth nor above earth as 
I do thee, my sweet. Lord, Christ Jesu. And for that I have 
not loved thee, and worshipped thee above all things as my 
Lord, my God, and my Saviour, Christ Jesu, I beseech thee 
with meekness and heart contrite, of mercy and of forgiveness 
of my great unkindness, for the great love that thou showedst 
for me and all mankind, what time thou offerdst thy glorious 
body, God and man, unto the Cross ; there to be crucified and 
wounded, and unto thy glorious heart a sharp spear, there 
running out plenteously blood and water for the redemption 
and salvation of me and all mankind. And thus having remem- 
brance steadfastly in my heart of thee, my Saviour Christ Jesu, 
I doubt not but thou wilt be full nigh me, and comfort me both 
bodily and ghostly with thy glorious presence, and at the last 
bring me unto thy everlasting bliss, the which shall never have 
end. Amen. 

The only Existing Copy known is in the library of Earl 
Spencer, where it is bound up in a copy of Caxton's " Pilgrim- 
age of the Soul." It is in perfect condition, and measures 
11x8 inches. 



BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 4. 287 



No. 58. — The Fables of iEsop; of Avian; of Alfonse; and 
of Poge, the Florentine. Folio. " Emprynted by me 
William Caxton at Westmynstre . . the xxvj daye of 
Marche the yere of oure lord M CCCC Ixxxiiij." 

Collation.— a 0C*efsf)tfclmn0pljr!3are 4 ns , the 
last two leaves of g being blank. In all 144 leaves, of which 
two are blank. 

Note. — The first leaf of a is not signed, being printed only on 
the verso. 

Typographical Particulars. — There is no title-page, unless 
we call the great cut of iEsop by that name. The type is of 
two sorts, No. 3, used in three places at the beginning of the 
work for headings, and No. 4*, in which is the whole text and 
the head-lines. The lines, which measure 4§ inches, are fully 
spaced out, and in those few pages where there is no woodcut 
there are 3 7 or 38 lines. There are head-lines and folios through- 
out, except in sig. n, which has folios only. Woodcut initials 
are used throughout, and on the verso of sig. at tj is a large 
floriated H, afterwards used in the " Order of Chivalry." 

The first recto of sig. a is blank. Upon the verso is a 
large woodcut (4! x 6§ inches), of iEsop, surrounded by the 
subjects of his fables, with the word ESOPVS at the top. On 
the second recto, which is signed a i), the book commences 
with the following title, in large type, No. 3 — 

C -ffolio ijo 
C ?6«e fieggnnetf) tfje fioofc of tfje sufitgl Jjgstorges 
an* dFafcles of <£sope tofjtefje toere translate* out 
of dFrenssfje in to ©nglgssfje og toglltam tftoton 
at toestmgnstre gn tfje gcre of oure Hor*e ♦ M . 
. <M<£<£ . Ixxxiii • 

-£>3rst fceggnnetf) tfje Igf of <£sope tottfj alle fjts fortune 

V fjoto fje toas sufctgil/togse/an* Some in (^rece/not ferre 

fro STroge tfje graunt in a Cotoue name* &moneo / 

tofjtcfje boas amonge otfjer *gfforme* an* euglle sfjapen / dFor 



288 



WILLIAM CAXTON. 




BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 4*. 289 

The whole is finished by an epilogue, written by Caxton 
himself, which begins on the recto, and concludes on the verso 
of sig. g 6. 

stoere of a goo* preest an* an Joncst / &nfc fjere tot'tf) gf i g* 
ngssfje tj)ts took / translate & nnprnntefc fig me WitUtam 
<3ta'||ton at tocstmnnstre in tfjafcfiag / &nti fgngss jetf tije 
rcbr fcage || of jUtacfje tfje gere of ourr iort) IE ®<EMMK 
Imitij / &n*r tfje || fgrst gere of tje tegne of fcgng Hgcjartr 
tje %rtrtie 

The woodcuts by their treatment evidently came from the 
hands of the artist who had previously illustrated the " Game 
of Chess." It is perhaps impossible to decide whether they 
are of Flemish or English origin. The woodcut on p. 288 
represents iEsop beaten by his master. 

Caxton himself tells us at the beginning of the book that 
it was a translation of his own from the French. It is rather 
remarkable that although the fables of iEsop, in French, were 
found in all the great libraries of the fourteenth and fifteenth 
centuries, and as many as three or four different copies in 
some, yet none apparently have descended to our time. No 
trace of an English translation previous to that of Caxton has 
been discovered, and he must therefore have the credit of 
introducing these fables to his countrymen in the English 
tongue. They were reprinted in London, with scarcely any 
alteration, for nearly two centuries. Whether translated from 
a manuscript, or an early French printed edition, it is now 
impossible to say. 

This is a very rare book : the only perfect copy known was 
devised by Mr. Hewett, of Ipswich, to King George III, and is 
now in the Koyal Library, Windsor. Imperfect copies are in 
the British Museum and at Oxford. 

No. 59. — The Order op Chivalry. Quarto. Without Printer's 
Name, Place, or Date. Translated by Caxton and pre- 
sented to Richard III. (1483-5.) A 

Collation.— a I C "& Z f are 4™, aj being blank ; ij a 2", 

T 



290 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

with, the last leaf blank; in all 52 leaves, of which two are 
blank. 

Typographical Particulars. — There is no title-page. The 
type is No. 4*, but two headings at the beginning of the work 
are in type No. 3. The lines, which measure 3 \ inches, and of 
which there are 26 to a full page, are fully spaced out. With- 
out folios or catchwords. Initial letters cut in wood are used. 

Commencing with a blank leaf the work opens with a short 
preface, on sig. a \) i the first four lines being in type No. 3. 
The Text begins thus : — 

C ffiere bt$%nntt§ tfje Cafile of 
tf)ts present fcoofce gntgtletf t^e 
ISoofc of tfje orfcre of efjgualrg 
or fcnggt)tf)otie 

The Text ends :— 

bertuouse tietre / &nti § sfjalle prag almg^ 
tg gotf for fjts long Igf & prosperous toel^ 
fare / & tfjat f)e mag fjaue btetorg of al J)is 
enemges / anfc after tf)ts sfjort & transttorg 
Igf to fjaue euerlastgng Igf in tjeuen / tofje^ 
re as is $oge antr filgsse toorl* tottfjout 
en&e &men / 

The date of printing, which was in the reign of Eichard III, 
must have been between June 26th, 1483, and August 22nd, 
1495. The "Order of Chivalry" has no connection with 
"L'ordene de chevalerie." Dibdin, in the Typ. Ant., and 
Moule, in Bib. Herald., both err in this matter. 

Two copies are in the British Museum, and two in private 
libraries : no others are known. 



No. 60. — Chaucer's Canterbury Tales. Folio. Second 

Edition, loith Woodcuts. "By William Caxton." 
Without Place or Date. (1484?) 

Collation.— a ficfcef(Jj)tttlmnop q r S t are 4 n3 , 



BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 4*. 291: 

with a J Hank ; b a 3 1 ; aa t)b CC tfa tt ff gg f)f) are 4 ns ; it a 
3 n ; & 13 <E 19 © JF <£ J^ f iv are 4 ns ; ft a 2 n . In all 

312 leaves, of which one is blank. 

Typographical Particulars. — There is no title-page. The 
type of the Text is No. 4*, the heads being all in No. 2*. 
The lines in the prose portion are spaced to an even length, 
and measure 4! inches. $& lines to a page. "Without catch- 
words or folios, and almost without punctuation. Space left for 
the insertion of initials. 

This second edition, Caxton tells us, was printed six years 
after the first. Having fixed the year 1477-8 as about the 
date of the first, that will give about 1484 for this. 

Commencing with a blank leaf, the prohemye follows on 

air. 

Iftete tfjanfces latotie anfc fjonour/ ougfjt to be gg- 
uen bnto tje elerfces / pontes / auto fjtstortograpi^ 
g tfjat fjaue toreton mattg turtle bo&es of togsefiom 
of tfje Igues /passtos / & mgraeles of Jolg sagntes 
of Igstorges / of noble anti famous &etes / antt 
fatttes / &nti of ttje erongeles sttlj tjje beggnngng 
of tfje ereaeton of tfje toorlti/bnto tfjgs present tgme/bg tof)gefje 

The proheme, which is an excellent and indubitable specimen 
of Caxton's own composition, and reflects as much credit upon 
his disposition as upon his literary abilities, finishes on the verso 
of sig. a tj — 

after tfjps si)ort ana transttorge Igf be mag eome to euer= 
lastgng || Igf in fjeuen / Emen 

Bg OHglltam t&axton 

On sig. a ttj recto, with room for a 4-line initial, 

Jgan tijat Eprglt togtf) f)gs sljourt's sote 
to Cfje toougfjte of marcfje fjatt) percgfi tje rote 
&nti batfjgfi euerg begne in sucfje Igecur 
<Bi to f)gct)e bertue engentirgtJ ts tje flour 
32£fjanne ^epjjerus efce togtf) fjgs sote bretjj 



292 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

The Parson's Tale finishes on sig. H ttj verso, and is followed 
by the Retraction. 

The Text ends with seven lines on sig. H, 4 recto, 

fce one of i)tm at tfje fcag of tome tfjat sfjal fie saugtr/ (gut 
cumllpatre et sptrttu sancto bunt et regnat tous/^et omnia 
secula || seculotum %LM<&£1 / 

The verso is blank. 

Remarks. — The wood-cut illustrations appear to be by the 
same artist that was engaged upon iEsop. The wife of Bath is 
represented on page 293. 

Two copies are in the British Museum, and one in each of 
the following libraries — Magdalen and Pepysian, Cambridge; 
St. John's, Oxford ; Royal Society, London ; Earl of Ash- 
burnham, and Earl Spencer. In the year 1858 I discovered 
a copy in the Library of the French Protestant Church, in a 
torn and dirty state, having been used for some time to light 
the vestry fire. I drew attention to its great value and inte- 
rest, and it was doubtless saved from further mutilation. 
Some time afterwards it disappeared from the library alto- 
gether, and no one now knows what has become of it. Eor 
identification the following particulars are here given : — it 
wants all before sig. f) 5 ; p 7 ; t 8 and b X) j fifc X) and tfa 8 ; 
& j ) 53 ttj and 4 • and all after (*£ 8. In the original binding. 
Torn, dirty, and ill used. Measurement, iof x 7 J. Auto- 
graph " • ■ Rawlinson A° 17 17." Also, "Ex dono ■ • ■ 
Bateman Bibliopola." 



ISTo. 61. — The Book of Eame. Folio. " Emprynted by 
wylliam Caxton." Without Place or Date. (1484?) 

Collation. — a fi C are 4™, a j being blank ; "Jj a 3", tf 6 
being blank = 30 leaves, of which two are blank. 

Typographical Particulars. — There is no title-page. 
The type is entirely ISTo. 4*. In the epilogue, which is the 



BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 4*. 293 



"the wife of bath, 
from the second edition of chaucer's "canterbury tales." 




294 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

only prose part, the lines are fully spaced out, and measure 

4 J inches. 38 lines to a page. Without folios or catchwords. 

Space left for the insertion of 2 or 3-line initials, with 
directors. 

Commencing with a blank leaf, the Text follows on sig. 
a tf recto, 

Kl)$ fioo& of jFame mato fig Oieff ereg Saucer 

<©* tome bs euerg tome to goo* 
g dFor tt is toon*er tjjgng tig t^e too* 

2To mg togt / toftat causgtf) stoeuenos 
®n t|)e morose / or on euengs 

The poem ends on sig. * 5 recto, 

Cfjus m *remgng an* in game 
<£n*etl) tfjgs Igtgi fioo& of dfame 

i^XpltCtt 

The epilogue immediately follows, the Text ending, 

S fmmfilg fiesecfje & prage gob / emonge gour pragers / to 
tement=||uie ijgs souie / on tofjgcfje / an* on alle crgsten 
soults / § fiesecje aHmggfjtg go* to |)aue mereg Emen 
<£mprgnte* fig toglltam OTaxton 

The epilogue has considerable interest, as showing Caxton's 
opinion of Chaucer, and is here given verbatim. 

"J fynde nomore of this werke to fore sayd / For as fer 
as I can vnnderstode / This noble man GefTerey Chaucer 
fynysshyd at the sayd conclusion of the metyng of lesyng 
and sothsawe / where as yet they ben chekked and maye not 
departe / whyche werke as me semeth is craftyly made / and 
dygne to be wreton & knowen / For he towchyth in it ryght 
grete wysdom & subtyll vnderstondyng / And so in alle hys 
werkys he excellyth in myn oppynyon alle other wryters in 
our Englyssh / For he wrytteth no voyde wordes / but alle 
hys mater is ful of hye and quycke sentence / to whom ought 



BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 4*. 295 

to be gyuen laude and preysyng for hys noble makyng and 
wrytyng / For of hym alle other haue borowed syth and taken / 
in alle theyr wel sayeing and wrytyng / And I humbly beseche 
& praye yow / einonge your prayers to remembre hys sonde / 
on whyche and on alle crysten soulis I beseche almyghty god 
to haue mercy Amen " 

Remarks. — As will be seen by the list of Existing Copies, 
the printed text of Caxton is extremely rare ; so is the reprint 
by Pynson in 1526. Manuscripts of this poem were, probably, 
even in our printer's time, difficult to obtain. The copy 
used by him was certainly very imperfect. Many lines 
are altogether omitted, and in the last page Caxton was 
evidently in a great strait, for his copy was deficient 66 lines, 
probably occupying one leaf in the original. We know from 
his own writings the great reverence in which our printer 
held the "noble poete," and we can imagine his consternation 
when the choice had to be made, either to follow his copy and 
print nonsense, from the break of idea caused by the deficient 
verses, or to step into Chaucer's shoes and supply the missing 
links from his own brain. He chose the latter course, and 
thus instead of the original 66 lines, we have two of the 
printer's own, which enable the reader to reach the end of the 
poem without a break-down. These lines are in the following 
quotation printed in italics ; the entire extract being the first 
six lines of the last page : — 

They were a chekked bothe two 

And neyther of hym rnyght out goo 

And %oyth the noyse of themwo Caxton 

J Sodeynly awolce anon tho 

And remembryd what I had seen ' 

And how hye and ferre I had been 

It should be noticed that Caxton has here printed his name 
in the margin to make known his responsibility to his readers. 
The "out" not having been hitherto noticed, the position of 
his name there has been a puzzle to all bibliographers, until 
explained by Mr. Bradshaw. 

Copies are in the British Museum ; Cambridge ; Imperial 
Library, Vienna, and Althorpe. 



296 WILLIAM CAXTON. 



Xo. 62. — The Curial. Folio. " Translated thus in Englysshe 
by wylliam Caxton." Without Printer's Name, Place, or 
Date. (1484?) 

Collation. — A 3* signed j, tj, and itj, without any blanks. 
In all six leaves. 

Typographical Particulars. — There is no title-page. The 
type is entirely No. 4*. The lines, which are spaced to an 
even length, measure 4! inches, and there are 38 to a full page. 
Without catchwords or folios. 

The Text begins on sig. j recto, 

Jf^ere fofiotoetf) tfie copge of a lettre tojjgcfje maistre 
&lagn II <&fiaretter torote to jgs firotfjer / toSgcje fcestre* to 
come totoelle in || <£ourt / in tofjgcfje f)e refjersetj) mang mg- 
serges & toretcjgtmesses |] 

The " Curial " finishes on the sixth recto, 

to got! romance tf)e fig tjjgs torgtgng tofjgcije ggue tje l)gs 
gra || ee / Emen 

Cjus enftetf) tf)e OTurtal matie fig magstre Elatn 
(Efjarretter || ^Translate** tfjus in <£nglgssf) fig toglliam 
(Eaxton 

On the verso Caxton has given us the translation of a ballad, 
written by Alain Chartier, consisting of 28 lines. It has a 
burthen : — " Ne chyer but of a man Joyous," and commences 
thus : — 

flTfier ne is fcangger / tut of a bglagn 
iBte prgtie / fiut of a pure man enrgcf)efc 

The Text ends on same page, with Caxton's name at foot, 

STfier is no specie / fiut it fie eurtogs 
&t pregsgng of men / fiut after tfjegr Igf 
i&e eljger fiut of a man SJogous 
(tfaxton 



BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 4*. 297 

Remarks. — Caxton translated the Curial from the French, 
"for a noble and virtuous Erie," probably Lord Rivers, who 
was beheaded at Pomfret, on June 13th, 1483. 

Alain Chartier, born in Normandy about 1386, earned for 
himself the appellation of "excellent orateur, noble poete, et 
tres-renomme rh^toricien." He held the office of "Secretaire 
de la Maison " to both Charles VI and Charles VII. He died 
about 1457. The most complete editions of his works are 
those by Galiot du Pre, i6mo, Paris, 1529; and by Duchesne, 
4to, Paris, 161 7. In the former, however, is an error which 
has led to some confusion, as " Livre de l'Esperance " is there 
entitled "Le Curial," the real Curial being a much shorter 
piece, and totally different in design. By the " Curial " being 
addressed to his brother it is supposed to have been written by 
Alain to Jean Chartier, known as the author of " Histoire de 
Charles VII." As an instance of the great repute, in which 
the writings of Chartier were held in his age, it is reported that 
Margaret, the wife of the Dauphin of Prance, afterwards Louis 
XI, finding him one day asleep in his chair, kissed his lips to 
the great astonishment of her attendants. "Je ne baise pas 
la personne mais la bouche dont estoient sortes tant de beux 
discours," she exclaimed. There is a painting in Add. MS. 
No. 15300, vividly depicting this, scene. 

Only two copies are known ; one is in the British Museum, 
and the other at Althorpe. 



No. 6$. — Trotlus and Creside. Folio. Without Printer's 
Name, Place, or Date. (1484 ?) 

Collation. — a ft C t» t f Q are 4 113 , the first leaf of a being 
blank ; f) a 5 11 ; t & \ m It CI are 4™ ; p a 3* with the last two 
leaves blank. In all 120 leaves, of which 3 are blank. 

Typographical Particulars. — There is no title-page. The 
type throughout is No. 4*. Each page contains five stanzas 
of seven lines each, with a blank line between each stanza. 
Without folios or catchwords. 



298 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

Commencing with a blank leaf, the poem follows on sig. a if 
recto, beginning thus : — 

t Jge fcoufcle soroto of Croglus to telle 
itgng ^rgamus sone of STroge 
3Jtt lotting / fjoto Ijss auentures felle 

dFrom boo to toele / anft after out of ^oge 

M$ purpos is / or tfjat $ parte froge 

Book I ends on sig. 1) 8 verso ; Book II on f j recto ; Book 
III on | 10 recto; Book IY on tit j recto; Book Von p 4 
recto. On sig. p 4 recto is also Chaucer's dedicatory stanza 
to the "Moral Gower." 

The Text ends on the same page, 

So mafce bs $ty$\t for % merep trggtte 
dFor lotte of magtien / & motier tfjgn fienpgne 
?^ere entietf) Croglus / as toueljgng (Eresefte 
Explicit per (ftaxton 

Eemarks. — A good account of the source of this poem, and a 
comparison between it and Shakspere's " Troilus and Creside," 
with which, however, it appears to have had little connection, 
will be found in Bell's edition of Chaucer's works. 

Two copies are in the British Museum, one at St. John's, 
Oxford, and one at Althorp. 

No. 64. — The Life op our Lady. — Folio. " Empryntyd by 
Wyllyam Caxton." Without Place or Date. (1484?) 

Collation. — Two unsigned leaves ; afictf^fgT) tfvl are 

4 ns ; tit a 3 11 , the last leaf being blank. In all 96 leaves, of 
which one is blank. 

Typographical Particulars. — There is no title-page. The 
type is entirely No. 4*. A page has five stanzas of seven 
lines each, the space of one line being left between each stanza. 
The lines in the prose part measure almost 5 inches. Without 
catchwords or folios. Space left for the insertion of initials of 
one to three lines deep, with directors. 

The Text begins, with a space for a 3-line initial, on the 
recto of the first leaf, 



BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 4*. 299 

t ?ftts boofc toas eomppleti b# fcau §oi)n legate monfce of 
fiurge/at tije eicitacion ant( stgrgng of tfje noljle anti 
bictorgous prgnee / l&gng jjarrg tije fgftjje / tit tfjonoure 

glorge & reuerence of tije bgrtije of our moste fclessp 

latrp/mapell togf/anti moto of our iorti Htfjcsu crgst/ 

cjjapgtreti as folotoetf) || dg tljis table 

The table follows immediately, finishing with nine lines on 
the verso of the second leaf. 

The poem commences on sig. a j recto, with space for a 2-line 
initial, 

STfjougtful fjerte plungpti in fcistresse 

&2i£itf) slo'fcre of slouti tljis long tognters nggljt 

On the lower-half of the fourth verso of sig. m, 

ggere enftetj) tije fcooK of tije Igf of our lafrg 
mafce bg tiatt ^oijn legate monfce of burg / 
at tijgnstaunee of tije moste crgsten fcgnge / 
kgng Ijarrg tije fgftij 

(liloo litgt fccofc antr sufcmgtte tije 
5Ento al tijem / tijat tije stjal retie 
<©r Ijere / prageng Ijem for eljartte 
Co pardon me of tije rufieijefte 
(Bi mgn enprgntgng / not taitgng fjetre 
Ento gf ougfjt be tioon to tijegr plesgng 
Sag tijeg tijgse balatres foiotogng 

The Text ends on the fifth recto of sig. ttt, 

13lessto be tije stoettest name of our iorti 
Sijesu crist / an* most glorious marie 
Jftts blessgfc motier / toitij eternal accortr 
iflkore tijan euer / tentmre in glorge 
&rib totti) Ijir mefce sonefor memorge 
33lesse bs marie / tije most Ijotg birggne 
Cljat toe regne in Ijeuen toitij tije orfires ngne 

©nprgntg* bj> TOigllgam (toton 

A blank leaf completes the volume. 



300 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

Remaeks. — This poem appears to have enjoyed, for a long 
period, a considerable popularity. It was composed, as the 
manuscripts and printed edition both tell us, by John Lydgate, 
at the excitation of King Henry V. The envoy commencing 
"Goo lytyl booke," is doubtless a specimen of Caxton's 
own powers of versification, as perhaps are also the two 
ballads which follow it. Although the division of the 
poem into chapters by Caxton does not agree with any of the 
known manuscripts, yet he probably had a copy so divided, 
for, as we have seen, the original poem was not chaptered at 
all, and later scribes would divide it after their own judgment. 

It would have surprised our worthy printer could he have 
foreseen the grave charges of carelessness to be brought against 
him in future ages, with reference to this production. Ames 
gives a very slight account of " The Lyf of oure Ladye," bat so 
far as it goes, it is correct. Herbert enlarged Ames's article, 
but unfortunately wrote his description from a copy deficient 
eight leaves in the middle of the poem, an imperfection which, 
notwithstanding the consequent irregularity of signature, he 
ascribes to carelessness on the part of Caxton ; and, worse 
still, makes Caxton himself confess that he was aware of the 
blunder he had made before the conclusion of the printing, 
but thought that to ask the reader's pardon was sufficient 
reparation ; a conclusion drawn from the deprecatory stanzas 
quoted above, beginning, " Goo lityl book " — a style of " envoy" 
very common to all writers of that age. Then follows Dr. 
Dibdin, who, as usual, did not make an independent examina- 
tion, but was content with reprinting his predecessor's remarks. 
The paragraph reads thus : — " This [the omission of several 
chapters] must be attributed to carelessness, which Mr. Caxton 
himself ingenuously acknowledges in one of the concluding 
stanzas." — Typ. Ant. vol. i, page 340, and Bib. Spenc. vol. iv. 
page 333. 

Both Herbert and Dibdin give the heads of all the chapters 
in this poem, excepting, of course, those contained in the 
eight missing leaves of their copy. These are, therefore, 
supplied here from the table, which differs slightly from the 
heads in the body of the work. 



BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 4*. 301 

How the chyef temple of rome fyl the nyght of crystes 

byrthe / and other wonderful tokenes capitulo L 

How the nyght of cristes byrthe a welle in rome 

ranne oyle capitulo Lj 

How the senatours of rome wolden haue holden Octauyan 

theyr emperour as for her god capitulo Lij Liij 

How the romayns whan they had domynacion ouer alle 

the world made an ymage & callyd hit theyr god capitulo Liiij 

How wyse sybyle tolde to the senate of rome 

the byrthe of cryst capitulo Lv 

How the prophetes prophecyed the byrthe 

of cryst capitulo Lvi 

A questyon assoyled whiche is worthyest of kyng 

wyne or woman capitulo Lvij 

Existing Copies : — British Museum, Bodleian, Exeter Col- 
lege, Oxford, Glasgow, and four in private hands. 



No. 65. — The Life of the holy and blessed Virgin Saint 
Winifred. Folio. Without Printer's Name, Date, or 
Place. " Reduced fa to Englysshe by me William Cax- 
ton." (1485?) 

Collation. — a and f) are 4 ns = 16 leaves, of which the first is 
blank. 

Typographical Particulars. — There is no title-page. The 
type is entirely No. 4*. There are 38 or 39 lines to a full page, 
and they are spaced to an even length. Without folios or 
catchwords. 

Commencing with a blank leaf, the Text follows on sig. a tj, 

C i^ere fceggnnetfj tfje Igf of tfje fjolg & file&srtr bgrggn 
sagntllTOenefrptte/ 

On sig. t 6 recto, 

C ^Tfjus entotf) tfje tocollarion / tfje Igf after / anb tfje 
transit || eton of sagnte TOenefretie btrggn an* tnarttr/ 
tofjtcfje teas teg || se* after tfjat fjer fjette fja* fce amgton of 



302 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

tjje space of xb pete || retmcc* in to <£nglg&3f)e fcg me 
OTitlitam (taton/ 

The Text ends, with ten lines on the recto of sig. ft 8, the 
verso being blank, 

celcfcramtts trattslacumem / cimctorum afctptsct mereamut 
pee- 1| catotum remtsmonem / $er tiomtnum nostrum / et 
cetera / 

Eemarks. — Caxton's translation gives all the particulars of 
the birth, parentage, dedication to God, decollation by Prince 
Caradoc, restoration to life " after her head had been smyton off 
the space of xv year," and subsequent canonisation of St. Wini- 
fred; followed by the service in Latin for her "commemora- 
tion." 

The earliest existing notice of this saint is found in Cotton 
MS. Claud. A. v, which begins " Incipit Yita sancte Wenefrede 
virginis et martyris." The character of the writing is of the 
twelfth century, but the Holy Well in Flintshire, dedicated to 
her, as well as the existence of chapels and other places in 
Wales bearing her name, prove her fame to have been spread 
for some centuries earlier. The Cotton MS. itself was probably 
copied from a much older original. Historians have therefore 
agreed to consider her as having lived in the seventh century. 
Being a Welsh saint, her name does not at first seem to have 
been received with any great veneration outside her own 
country, and this may account for the entire absence of all 
notice of her in the early historians. The Cotton MS. has a 
memorandum in a more modern hand, stating it to be the 
composition of St. Elerius. For this, however, there appears 
to be no other reason than the mention of this saint as St. 
Winifred's confessor. It has, however, been adopted by Leland, 
Bale, Pits, and other writers. A second life of St. Winifred 
was undertaken in the year 1 1 40 by Kobert, a Welsh monk of 
Shrewsbury, who compiled his account from MSS. then extant, 
with the addition of all the floating details which, in the course 
of centuries, the legend had developed. The fame of the saint 
at that time was rapidly increasing, partly owing to the grand 



3°3 

ceremonial with which her relics had been, in 1138, translated 
to the Benedictine Abbey in Shrewsbury. The variations in 
these two accounts, especially as to the length of time she lived 
after her decollation, has induced a belief that they are inde- 
pendent productions. Had the second history been shorter 
nnd less miraculous than the first, there might be some reason 
for the opinion. 

In "Liber Festivalis," and in the "Golden Legend," both 
printed by Caxton, are short notices of St. Winifred; but in 
1484 Caxton himself set about "reducing into English" her 
Life. It is unfortunate that he makes no mention of the 
language in which his original was written. There is no 
reason to suppose that Caxton understood "Welsh, or else 
doubtless he could have obtained several MSS.* Again, it is 
very improbable that Caxton translated from his usual source, 
the French, as the saint was unknown across the Channel. It 
is therefore most probable that the Latin account of Robert, 
already noticed, was Caxton's original, a probability we are 
not able to verify by collation, as no manuscript appears to be 
known. 

Caxton's edition has the Latin commemoration of the saint 
at the end, which was ordained with great ceremony by Arundel, 
Archbishop of Canterbury, in 1391, who, at the same time, 
removed the day from June 24th to November 3rd. This 
shows how the fame of St. Winifred had increased. All the 
old legends state that on the spot where Prince Caradoc de- 
capitated the Virgin, there immediately sprung up an impetuous 
stream of healing water. The famous Holy Well is on this 
spot, and thence flows " St. Wenefrede's Stream," which empties 
itself at the mouth of the Dee. The fame of wonderful cures 
effected by these waters spread all over England, and greatly 
enhanced the shrine of St. Winifred, until Holywell became the 
most favoured goal of pilgrims to the north. Caxton could not 
perhaps have chosen a more popular life when he undertook his 
translation. Henry YII built an octagonal well over the source 
of the stream, with conveniences for using the waters, and over 
this a beautiful chapel. 

* Lhvyd, in his Catalogue of Welsh MSS., mentions two. 



304 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

The shrine was plundered at the dissolution of the monas- 
teries, and a portion of the ruins was, in 1811, and is probably, 
still used as a free grammar school. 

In Caxton's " Polycronicon," in the metrical account of 
"Wales, there are twenty-two lines of curious matter concerning 
the Holy Well, and the awful fate which befell the descendants 
of Prince Caradoc. 

Only three copies of this edition are known. There is a fair 
specimen in the King's Library, British Museum, a poor one at 
Lambeth, and a good one at Ham House, Surrey. 



No. 66. — The noble Histories of King Arthur and of 
certain of his Knights. Folio. " Emjprynted in 
fhabbey westmestre, the last day of Juyl the yere of our 
Lord M CCCC Ixxxv." 

Collation. — The prologue and table take up a 4 11 and 5 11 ; 
the first leaf in the 4 11 is blank, the next 3 are signed \\ 1 H) 1 
Hi) * the first four leaves only of the 5 11 are signed b, bj, btj, 

bur; afic*ufgjtfcimttop£r*iux3>?#&30® 

aa fit tt tr& are 4 ns ; ZZ is a 3" In all 432 leaves, of which 
one is blank. 

Note. — Sig. Sb ttj is printed $£ ttj and C tj is printed 

S> if. 

Typographical Particulars. — There is no title-page. The 
type throughout is No. 4*. The lines are spaced out to an even 
length of 4! inches, and 38 make a full page. Without folios, 
head-lines, or catchwords. Initials in wood of three to five 
lines in depth. 

Commencing with a blank leaf, Caxton's prologue follows 
on sig. tj, with a 3-line initial in wood. The Text begins 
thus : — 

ajfttx tfjat § fja* accomplgssfjeft an* fgngssfje* tiguers 
Ijgstorges as toei of contempiacgon as of otfjer fjgsto 
tgai an* tootlWg actes of grete conquerour* & prgn 
ces/antt also cettegn to to of ensaumples anti tioctrgne/ 



BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 4*. 305 

The Text ends on the recto of the sixth leaf of sig. ee, the 
verso being blank. 

C snius enfcetf) tjgs nofcle anfi 3Jogoug &oofc entitle** le 
morte || Bartfjur / ilottogtfjstonifgng it treatetf) of tije figrtfj / 
lgf/atrti||acte<3 of tije ^a^tr fcgng Hrtfjur/of J)ts nofcle 
fcnggijtes of tlje || rountie tafcle / tfjegr meruagllous enqueues 
anii atmentures / 1| tf)acf)geugng of tfje sangreai / & in tijentre 
tjje tiolorous fcetf) & II jjepartgng out of tf)j)s toorltt of tfjem 
al / tofjtcfje fioofc toas re||tmceti in to englgssjje fig sgr 
Cfjomas fftalorg fenpgfjt as afore || i& sag* / anti fig me 
fceugfie* in to xxi fiootes cfjapgtre* an* || enprgnte* / anti 
fgngssjefc in tfjafifieg toestmestre tJje tot fiag || of 3?ugl tfje 
gere of our lorU / M I &(£<££ / tab / 

C <&axton me fieri fecit 

Eemaeks. — There does not appear to be any trace in the 
collections of the British Museum, or elsewhere, of a manu- 
script of Sir Thomas Malory's text. Of Sir Thomas himself, 
all we know is contained in the last sentence of his own book : 
"This book was ended the ninth year of the reign of King 
Edward the fourth by Sir Thomas Malory, Knight;" that is 
about 1470. Caxton tells us in his prologue, that Sir Thomas 
had "reduced it from certain books in French." These books, 
judging from the conduct of the story, were the celebrated 
romances of Merlin, Launcelot, Tristram, the Quest du S. 
Graal, and Mort Artus, on the origin of which romances very 
little appears to be known, though much has been written. 
Manuscript copies of all of them are in the British Museum. 
Caxton's edition was reprinted several times, the last being the 
well-known 4to. volume, edited by Eobert Southey, who has 
prefixed a learned dissertation on the rise and development of 
the story. A very interesting essay upon the character, epoch, 
and authors of the various romances of the Eound Table is 
contained in Les Msc. Franc., par M. Paris, vol. i. page 160. 
See also the introduction of Thomas Wright to his reprint of 
the 1634 edition, entitled The History of King Arthur, 3 vols. 
London, 1858. Also Les Romans de la Table Ronde et les 

u 



306 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

Contes des anciens Bretons, par M. le Vicomte Hersart de la 
Villemarque. 8vo. Paris, i860. 

The only perfect copy known is in the library of Earl 
Jersey ; Earl Spencer has an imperfect copy, and a fragment is 
in the British Museum. There is not a copy at Lichfield, as 
stated by Mr. Botfield. 

No. 67. — The Life op the noble and Christian Prince, 
Charles the Great. Folio. " Explicit per William 
Caxton." Without Place. " Enjprynted thefyrst day of 
decembre / M CCCC Ixxxv." 

Collation. — a ft C fr Z f g J) t & I ttt are 4 113 . In all 96 leaves, 
of which a f and til 8 appear to have been blank. The last 
leaf, however, may have had the device. 

Typographical Particulars. — There is no title-page. The 
type is all No. 4*. The pages have two columns, with 39 lines 
to a column. The lines, which are spaced to one length, 
measure 2§ inches. Without folios or catchwords. Woodcut 
initials three lines deep. 

Commencing with a blank leaf, the prologue of the French 
translator follows, on sig a tj, with a 3-line printed initial. 
The Text begins thus : — 

&gnt 3Poul fooctour of somme toerte ijaultagne 

bergte sagtf) to bs tfjat toon || & comgsefc fig tfjetr 

ai tjjgnges tjjat fien xz- grete strength || $s rgg|)t at> 

trucetr fig torgtgng / fien baunt courage /to tfie||ex^ 

torgton || aitacgon of tfje crgsten fagtf) 



This preface finishes with five lines down the first column of the 
verso, and is followed by Caxton's prologue, in the same column, 
which is finished on the 26th line of the opposite column. 

Jgenne / for as mocfje 3 

late Jjati fgngssfjett in 
ntprgntge tfje fioofc of tfje 
riMt & || bgctorgous fcgng 
artjut fgrst || 



% 



BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 4*. 307 

The Text ends with the following colophon, 

TOfjgefje toerfce toas fg~ 
ngssfjeb || in tfje tebuegng of 
fjtt in to en-Uglgssfje tfje ibttf 
bag of gugn tfje || secontr 
pete of fcgng l&gcfjarb || tfje 
ti)prt / &nb tfje gere of our || 

lorn m araor® imb/ 

&nb || enprjmteb tfje fgrst 
bag of be^ || cemfire tfje same 
pere of our lorb || & tfje fgrst 
pere of fcgng Jt^arrg || tfje 
seuentfj /|| 

C ^apltett p totlltam (ftaxfon 

Remarks. — Histories and romances of " Karleniaine," in 
French and in Latin, in prose and in verse, existed so early 
as the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. These became incor- 
porated later in the general histories, such as the " Speculum 
Historiale," the "Fleur des Histoires," &c. The compilation 
of the romance under notice is recounted by the anonymous 
Author himself in his preface and envoye. From these we 
learn that Henry Bolomyer, Canon of Lausaune, regretting 
the existence of several " disjoined " accounts of Charles the 
Great, " excited " our anonymous Author to compile a con- 
tinuous history of the first Christian King of France. This 
he did, and the sources of his narration, as well as the con- 
tents, cannot be described better than in his own words, thus 
translated by Caxton (sig. tit, 7 recto), " it is so that at the 
requeste of the sayd venerable man to fore named Maister 
henry bolonnyer chanonne of lausaune J haue been Incyted 
to translate & reduce into Frensshe the mater tofore reduced. 
As moche as toucheth the fyrst & the thyrd book/ J haue 
taken & drawen oute of a book named myrrour hystoryal for 
the moost parte / & the second book J haue onely reduced it 
out of an olde romauce in frensshe." 

On comparing the first and last books of the text under 



3o3 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

notice with the chapters devoted to Charlemagne, in Verard's 
edition of the Speculum Historiale (vol. iv, book 25), it is 
evident that the compiler did not confine himself to the 
account of Yincent de Beauvais. The Second Book, he tells 
us, was taken from an old romance in French; perhaps the 
same as is still extant in Royal MS. 4 C. xi. 10, or the manu- 
script in the Imperial Library, Paris, No. 6795. 

It is the French compilation made for Henry Bolomyer which 
Caxton was requested by "some persons of noble estate and 
degree " — " my good singular lords and special masters " as he 
calls them — to reduce into English. Among these his good 
friend Master William Daubeny, treasurer of the king's jewels, 
who is the only one mentioned by name, seems to have most 
influenced him. 

The only Existing Copy at present known is in the British 
Museum, King's Library (C. 10. b. 9). It is perfect, wanting 
only the two blank leaves, and is in excellent preservation. 

No. 6$. — The knight Paris and the Pair Vienne. Folio. 
" Explicit per Caxton. Westminster. December igth, 
1485." 

Collation. — a f) C are 4 ns , ft and Z 3 n3 = 36 leaves, of which 
the last only is blank. 

Note. — ft j is misprinted I t. 

Typographical Particulars. — There is no title-page. The 
type is all No. 4* ; in double columns, the lines being spaced to 
an even length, and measuring 2§ inches ; 39 lines to a column. 
Without folios or catchwords. Woodcut initials. 

The Text begins on sig. a j recto, 

C ffiere fceggnnetj) £f)gstoige mag or ougfjt to fjaue / &fje 

of || tje noUt tggj)t balgaunt sagfi || tiaulpfjgn tfjenne atttr 

$c toor=: || tfjg fcnggfit largs / tfjis mW || laftg tigane torn 

an* of tfje || fagr ^gnte / btj gere to gg^ || to togtijoute 

tfje fiaulpijgns ftou^ || gfjtcr of gssue tfjat mocjje || tijeg fc^ 

bgemtogs / ti)e toijgdje || sgteft to Jjaue/an* pragrti|| 

suffveti mang atmersgtra our lottr fiotije nggfjt & tiag 



BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 4*. 309 

tig* || cause of tfjegr true tfjat || tfjcg mggfjt fjaue cfjgl 

loue or || tfjeg coutre entoge ton plag || saunt antr refig 

tfje effect tfjerof of || ccfje to jgs ticugne || scrugce / 

otfjer/ ana our lortr tfjorugfj II 

The Text ends thus, on sig. e 5 recto, with sixteen lines in 
the first column, 

mag accompange tfjcm in tfje 
perpurafile glorgeof fjeuen 
&men/ 

C 2Tf)U0 entietfj tfjgstorge of 
tfje || nofele anto balgaunt 
fcnggljt pa^ || rgs / an& tfje f agr 
bgenne fiougfj || ter of tfje 
^oulp^pn of <£Jgen^ || nogs / 
translated out of frenssfje || 
in to englgssfje fig toglltam 
Gtzx? || ton at toestmestre 
fgngssfjefc tfje || last fcag of 
August tfje pere of || our lorfc 
M <£<£<£<£ Imb/attoll 
enprgntett tfje xix trap of 
tiecem^ II to t fje same gere / 
antr tfje fgrst||gere of tfje 
regne of fegng ?garrg||tf)e 
seuentfj / 
C <Kxpltctt p Gtaton 

Eemarks. — Although frequently copied in manuscript, and 
often printed in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, there are 
few romances so rare as " Paris and Vienne." Translated into 
the "langage provencal," from the original composition, which 
was in " Catalane," it was turned into Latin, French, Italian, 
Flemish, and English. The French, which was the translation 
Caxton used, was accomplished about the beginning of the 
fifteenth century, by Pierre de la Sippade, of Marseilles. The 
first printed edition was in Italian, at Trevise, 1482 ; the 
second^ Caxton's, 1485. G. Leeu, at Antwerp, 1487, brought 



310 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

out two impressions, one in German and one in French. 
"Wynken de Worde made an early reprint of Caxton's edition. 
The admiration which Jean de Pins, Bishop of Rieux, one 
of the most elegant scholars of his age, conceived for this 
romance, induced him to turn it into Latin, for the instruction 
of the children of his friend the Chancellor Duprat. It was 
printed in 15 16. The Jesuit Charron, in his Memoirs of Jean 
de Pins (Avignon, 8vo, 1748), speaks thus of this romance: 
"As for children, it would be impossible to find a work more 
fitted to imbue the mind with correct taste and elegance of 
style, to influence their characters by the wisdom of its reflec- 
tions, or to forearm their hearts against those assaults of passion 
which blindly precipitate the young into the abysses of misery. 
The work is truly admirable. The situations are so interesting 
and the deno&ment so happy, that their conception would reflect 
honour on the best writers of the most renowned ages." (See 
Histoire du Chevalier Paris, et de la belle Vienne, 8vo, Paris, 

1835.) 

In the Utterson Library was an extremely rare printed 
edition of the French version, from which Caxton translated, 
entitled "l'Hystoire du vaillant and noble cheualier paris : and 
de la belle Viene fille du dauphin de Vienoys." 4to. Paris. 
Jehan Bonfons. c. 1500. 

The only Existing Copy is in the British Museum. It was 
formerly in Ames's possession, but after the issue of "The 
Typographical Antiquities," passed into the library of Sir Hans 
Sloane, and thence into the King's Library, St. James's. 

A reprint of this copy has been edited, with a Preface, 
Glossary, and Notes, by W. C. Hazlitt, for the subscribers to 
the Roxburghe Library. London, 4to. 1868. 



No. 69. — The Golden Legend. Largest Folio. Second Edi- 
tion. Small Head-lines. (1487?) 

Collation. — The same exactly as the first edition, with the 
exception of sigs. X and g, in which appears the following 
variation : — 



BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO.' 4*. 



3ii 



FIRST EDITION. 

sig. X, 6 leaves 
sig- 9, 2 „ 

unsigned 1 „ 



SECOND EDITION. 

sig. X = 8 leaves, 
signed to X Utj, and followed 

by sig. aa. 



In order to get the matter of the two signatures into one, 
the sixteen pages of X in the second edition are all made a 
line longer than in the first. This arrangement was evidently 
considered as an improvement, and therefore was later in point 
of time than the edition in which it does not occur. 

Typographical Particulars. — These in the main are 
identical with the edition already described, the chief pecu- 
liarity being that the head-lines of the pages and the head- 
lines of the various lives, which in the first edition are all 
in type No. 3, are in the second edition all in type No. 5. 
We must also notice that in places (e.g. sig. X j recto) the 
large capital letters, used in type No. 6, make an accidental 
appearance in the head-lines, where they were occasionally used 
instead of quadrats. This evinces a much later period for the 
impression than the first edition. 

Eemarks. — The absence of any complete copy, or indeed 
of any copy having prologues or colophon, suggests the idea 
that certain sheets only may, for some reason, have been re- 
printed to supply deficiencies ; if so, the reprint is so extensive, 
that, for the sake of accuracy, it is better to look upon it as a 
separate edition. 

Existing- Copies. — In the British Museum is a copy, of 
which by far the larger portion belongs to the second edition, 
sigs. X to 9 and sigs. (& to aa being of the first edition. In 
the Douce Library at Oxford is a copy, of which by far the 
larger portion belongs to the first edition, the part belonging to 
the second edition being just that which is wanting in the 
British Museum copy ; so that if an exchange could be made, 
the British Museum might have a perfect second edition and 
the Bodleian a perfect first edition. 

Portions of the second edition are in the University Library, 
Cambridge, and the library of the Duke of Devonshire at Chats- 
worth. 



A 

DESCRIPTION OF BOOKS PRINTED 

IN 



TYPE No. 5. 



BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE No. 5. 



70. Good Manners 


May nth, 


1487 


71. Speculum. First Edition 


. 


1487? 


72. Directorium. First Edition 


. 


1487? 


73. Horse. Third Edition 


. 


I488? 


74. Royal .... 


. 


I488? 


75. Image of Pity .... 




I489? 


76. Doctrinal .... 


May 7th, 


1489? 


77. Speculum. Second Edition . 


. 


1490? 


78. Commemoratio 


. 


1491? 


79. De Transfiguratione . 


. 


1491? 


80. Horae .... 


. r * 


1491? 



p~1 
M 

M 

S3 



I 

I 




sSgf 

fftft« 

ii 



#2 



SO ** "5? t* u 

«*t PO » <tt U 

II f* i 

lift 

,WS8«S 



BOOKS PKINTED IN TYPE No. 5. 



No. 70. — The Book of Good Manners. Folio. " Explicit et 
hie est finis per Cazton." Without Place. " Enprynted 
the xj day of Maye " the year of our Lord 1487. 

Collation. — a 5 C fo Z t g are 4 ns , f) a 5 n = 66 leaves (no 
blanks). 

Typographical Particulars. — There is no title-page. The 
type throughout is No. 5. The lines are spaced to an even 
length, and measure 4§ inches. A page has 33 lines. With- 
out catchwords or folios. Woodcut initials of two to three 
lines in depth. 

The Text begins on sig. a ) recto, 

fflMJ ?§att $ eottspere tfje eottfcgctotts & matters of tfje 
^^^otttptt || people tofjtefje tottfjout ettformaetott & lerttgttg 
fien rufce || antJ wot matter* Igfce bttto testis firute aeorfcgttg 
to att olfce || 

making a full page. On the verso, with 2 -line wood initial, 

!<£re fceggttttetf) tfje table of a boolt ttamefc &> Stttgtuletr 
tfje || boofc of gootr matters tfje tofjtrfj toas mafie $c com 
poseti || bp tfje betterable & bgserete persotte jFrere §a$w$ 
le grauttt lg || ceepat tit STfjeologge reltggous of tfje ortire of 
sagttt augustgtt |jof tfje eottuettt of pargs. 

The end is on the tenth recto of sig. f), the verso blank, 

C Explicit / et fjie est fittts / per (ftaxtott &c 

€ df sngssfjefc attfc trattslatefc out of frettsfje tit to ettglgssjje 
tfje || bttj tiap of 3u$n tfje gere of our lor* M Hi) <& Imbj / 
atrtf || tfje first gere of tfje regtte of fcgttg fjarrg tfje btj/Ettft 
ettprgtt^ II teft tfje xj fcag of iHage after / &t 

ILaus *eo 



316 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

Kemarks. — Jacques Legrand was an Augustin friar, and 
is stated (though upon what authority does not appear) to 
have been a native of Toledo, in Spain, confessor to Charles 
VII, and to have refused a bishopric. He is known to have 
been the author of the " Sophologium," originally written in 
Latin, and translated by himself into French for the Duke of 
Orleans, son of Charles Y. He also was the author of " Le 
livre des bonnes meurs," which he dedicated to the Duke de 
Berri. 

In an interesting prologue appended by Caxton to this work 
we are informed that he undertook the task at the desire of 
William Praat, a fellow-mercer. The terms in which Caxton 
speaks of Praat as "an honest man" and "a singular friend 
of old knowledge," whose death-bed request it was that the 
book which had pleased and instructed his own mind should 
have greater currency among the people by means of his 
friend's new Art of Printing, prove the close amity which must 
have existed between the two Mercers. Caxton, according to 
his friend's wish, translated and printed it "for the amend- 
ment of manners and the increase of virtuous living." 

Only three copies are known — one at Cambridge, one at the 
Eoyal Library, Copenhagen, and one at Lambeth. 



No. 71. Speculum Vit^e Christi. Folio. " Emprynted by 
wyllyam Caxton" Without Place or Date. Edition A. 
(1487?) 

Collation.— a ficfcefQt)tfclmn0p<|r!5are 4 ns , 
with the first leaf of sig. a blank ; t a 2 n , with the fourth leaf 
blank. In all 148 leaves, of which two are blank. 

Typographical Particulars. — Without title - page. The 
type throughout is No. 5. The lines are spaced to an even 
length, and measure 4! inches. A page has 33 lines, exclusive 
of the head-lines, and one line space between. Without folios 
or catchwords. There are side notes throughout the volume, 
a rare practice with Caxton, who, however, probably followed 
his copy in this particular, as side notes appear in nearly all 



BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 5. 317 

the manuscript versions. An initial, cut on wood, begins 
every chapter. 

Commencing with a blank leaf, the Text begins thus on 
sig. a tj recto : — 

C Snctptt Speculum bite OTristL 

-* C tje fceggnngnge of tlje profiemp of tje lioolte tftat is 
^ clepeti tf)e mgrroure of tjje fclessgtTlgf of Sfjesu (Ergste 
tfje fgrst parte for t^e moneyage / (E tieuoute meti^ 
tacion of tije grete councegll in ijeuene for tije restorgnge of 
man || an* ijgs sauacgon ♦ (tfapttulum primum . C ^ tfte 
mancre 

At the head of sig. fo ij recto, 

Bie lune C $rtma pars ca r* 

fcome all tf)e (Kourte of fjeune toontirgnge antr commentigng 
tije soueragne togseftome assented toel ijere to / tut fertljer^ 
more || 

At the head of sig. f 6 verso, 

C <&a / ^ € 29« Jftercurtf C STerna pars 

parauentur ttjere toitf) a fetoe smal fgssijes tfjat oure lafcg 
i)al3 || ortiegne* tfjeme as gott tootti / & soo tfjertottf) tfje 
&ungels co^ || 

The " Speculum " ends at foot of sig. £ i recto, 

lorft ifjesu anfc Ijis motor fEarg noto an* euer tottfjoute 
en*e ame 

C Explicit speculum bite (ftrtstu 

On the verso begins a treatise on the Sacrament of Christ's 
body, 

C %L sjorte treatgce of tfje Jgljest an* most toortfjg sacra- 
mente || of crgstes fclessi* fco*g . an* tje merueglles tljerof. 

which finishes on sig. t 3 recto with the following imprint : — 

C ©mprgnte* fig togllgam carton 



318 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

Remarks. — There appear to have been two original works 
on the " Life of Christ " in the libraries of the fifteenth cen- 
tury. One by Father Ludolphe, or Rudolphe (Addit. 16609), 
was translated, as already noticed, into French, and thence 
into English; but this is an entirely different work to that 
printed by Caxton. St. Bonaventure, in 1410, wrote "The 
Life of Christ" in Latin {Royal 17, D. xvn), which became 
very popular, and was translated several times into French, 
with amplifications more or less. In the early part of the 
fifteenth century Jean cle Gallopes, already noticed as the 
translator of "The Pilgrimage of the Soul" (ante page 259), 
made a French prose translation of Bonaventure's Latin work 
(Royal 20, B. iv). This bears a close resemblance to the 
English text as printed by Caxton, was dedicated by Gallopes 
to Henry V, and probably had considerable currency among 
the English, to whom Gallopes, if not an Englishman himself, 
was well known from his connection with the Duke of Bed- 
ford. The author of Caxton's English text is unknown, but 
he professes to have borrowed largely from the Latin of Bona- 
venture. 

Of the " Speculum vitse Christi " two distinct editions 
were issued, both printed with the same types, page for page, 
line for line (with few exceptions), and nearly letter for letter. 
The typographical minutiae do not enable us with facility to 
determine which edition has the better claim to priority of 
workmanship. The greatest variations will be found in the 
head-lines, where, from sig. ft to the end of the volume, there 
is a difference in every page ; one edition (A) using the word 
(ft a in the heads, while the other (B) has the full word (ftapt' 
tuiuttl. In the University Library, Cambridge, there is a 
copy of each edition. 

There is a curious transposition of pages in the copy belong- 
ing to W. E. Watkyn Wynne, Esq., proving that even so late 
as 1489, the practice of printing one page at a time was retained. 
This is shown by the verso of sig. Z tttj being printed on the 
recto of sig. Z 6, and vice versd. In sig. Z there are several 
instances of the side notes having been blocked out in the 
printing. Pressmen call it "a bite." 



BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 5. 319 

Existing Copies. — British Museum ; Cambridge • Hunterian 
Museum, Glasgow j and four in private libraries. One of the 
copies in the British Museum is on vellum, and before the 
Reformation was in Sion Nunnery. 



No. 72. — DlRECTORIUM SaCERDOTUM, UNA CUM DEFENSORIO 

ejusdem; item Tractatus qui dicitur Crede mihi. 
Folio. Second Version, First Edition. Per William 
Caxton ajmd westmonesteriu. Without Date. (1487 ?) 

Collation. — Kalendar a 3 11 , signed j tj it j ; ft t t ft Z i Q 
f) t fe I m tt p q are 4 ns ; r a 5 n j g t are 4 ns . In all 160 
leaves. In the only copy known the whole of the kalendar is 
inserted between the first and second leaves of sig. a, making 
a j appear as the first leaf in the book. 

Note. — The signature to Z ) is not printed. 

Typographical Particulars. — Without title - page. The 
type is all No. 5. The lines, which are fully spaced out, 
measure 4| inches. Exclusive of head-lines there are 33 to 
the page. "Without folios or catchwords. A few 2-line wood- 
cut initials. 

The work commences with a kalendar of the months, a 
month to a page, each being headed by a Latin couplet on 
unlucky days, and a woodcut KL. 

The Text begins on sig. j recto, 



m\\ \ $nma tucs mensts^ septhna tnmcat bt cnsts 

H iWMdm Ijanuarms fjet tites xxxi / luna beto xxx 

itj & Sanuartj attrcustcto to tmp Cm ix Vc 

The Text ends on sig. 1 8 verso, 

tie mtdjt/ila qui pteficas rcgulas memoritet tenet bix pote- 
tit errare in serutcio fctutno / 33eo grag / 

C Caxton me fieri fecit 



320 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

Eemarks. — The large woodcut, which is really on sig. a j 
verso, is, in the only known copy, transposed, very naturally, to 
precede the Kalendar. This at first misleads one to believe that 
it does not belong to the volume. It measures 9x5! inches, 
and occupies the entire page, being thus described by Herbert — 
" In the middle part Christ is seen naked, half length, as at a 
window, with his arms across and his head inclined, showing the 
wounds on his hands and under the right breast ; a spear erect 
on the right and a sponge on the left ; over his head is a tablet 
with INKI. On a tablet beneath the window the title appears 
evidently to have been printed, but from this copy has been 
indiscreetly cut out. About this middle part are 28 square 
divisions, each containing some symbol of the passion, forming 
a kind of border." An engraving similar in design was used 
for the " Horse," described at No. 75 post. 

There was another edition of this work in type No. 6, printed 
in 1489 (see No. 87). In both the Latin is printed with many 
contractions. In the various editions of " Typographical Anti- 
quities," these two editions being treated as one has led to several 
errors. 

The numerous and constantly varying alterations in the 
daily order of Church Service must have rendered, in all ages, 
a book of directions most necessary to all officiating priests. 
But the introduction of new Feasts and Commemorations 
would, in course of time, render any such book incorrect. 
Thus it happened that Clement Maydestone, a monk of the 
order of St. Bridget, and a priest, finding, as he tells us in his 
prologue, that one of the most important festivals in the year, 
that of Corpus Christi, with its Octave, was, according to the 
written directions, celebrated cum regimine cJiori, while the 
admitted and general custom of the Salisbury rule was to 
celebrate that festival sine regimine clwri ; finding also several 
necessary things omitted altogether, and a wrong disposition 
made of others, determined, by the consent of his superiors, 
to correct and supply all defects. When Clement Maydestone 
had thus reformed and renewed the Pica, he gave his work 
the now recognised title of " Directorium Sacerdotum." This 
is the text as printed by Caxton. 



BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 5. 321 

Cl'ement Maydestone appears to have been the son of Thomas 
Maydestone (probably of Hounslow, Middlesex), and nourished 
in the reign of Henry Y. An account of the martyrdom of 
Archbishop Scroop is also ascribed to him. 

In the latter half of the fifteenth century the reformed Pica 
of Maydestone was again collated with the true " Sarum Ordi- 
nate, " by one Clarke, a singing man of King's College, Cam- 
bridge, by order of the University, which at this period evidently 
followed the Salisbury use. A notice of Clarke's work may be 
seen in the prologue appended by Pynson to his " Directorium " 
of 1497. In the copy of this edition, lately purchased of Mr. 
Maskell for the British Museum, are numerous notes in the auto- 
graph of Bishop Wagstaffe, the nonjuror, which have supplied 
material for some of the above remarks. 

The only Existing Copy at present known is that in the 
King's Library, British Museum (C. 10. b. 16), which is perfect, 
in fair condition, and measures 10 J x 7 J inches. On a fly-leaf 
is the autograph " W. Bayntun, Gray's Inn, bought of a man 
introduced by Doctor Nugent." This copy, which is catalogued 
by Dr. Middleton as being in the University Library, Cam- 
bridge, was stolen thence between 1772 and 1778. Before 
1787 it was purchased by TV". Bayntun — and probably (though, 
of course, in ignorance) from the thief himself. 



"No. 73. — Hor^ — A Fragment. — Third Edition. Svo. Sine 
ulldnotd. (1488?) 

The Collation cannot be given, eight leaves, or the whole 
of sig. lit, being all that is known at present. 

Typographical Particulars. — The type is ~No. 5 only. The 
lines, of which there are seventeen to the page, are fully spaced 
out and in length measure 2f inches. Large full-faced capital 
letters are used. 

On sig. m j recto the Text begins, 

J£on Ucisti 

The first words on the rectos of each leaf are — 1, TtCIt ; 

x 



3 22 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

2, petfjane ; 3, Jtitttabtle ; 4, fBL Boto ; 5, (injured) ; 6, wood- 
cut ; 7, j©Otttttte ; 8, g tones ; the last word on the eighth verso, 
being COSpUU 

The woodcut on fit 6 recto is an "Image of Pity," very 
similar in treatment to that noticed on page 316. It occupies 
only the depth of ten lines of text, and beneath, in six lines, 
is the following : — 

Co tfjem tfjat More * * * * #ma 
fle ofpgte tieuoutlp sep ♦ b . Wx 
nostet / b ♦ Paiges & a * * * * pg=; 
ieouslg tefjoltigng * * * * * * of 
Xp's passgon ar graunteti * * * * 
Jft / bij ♦ <E & ♦ lb / gera of pardon 

These unique leaves, which have evidently been rescued 
from the binding of an old book, were presented, in 1858, by 
Mr. Maskell to the British Museum (C. 35. a). Measurement 
5^x4 inches. They are in the same binding as the fragments 
of another Horse described at page 332. 



No. 74. — The Eotal Book or Book for a King. Folio. 
Without Printer's Name, Place, or Date. " Translated 
out of frensshe into englysshe by me wyllyam Caxton / 
whiche translation was fynysshed the xiij day of sep- 
tembre in the yere of our lord M / CCCC . Ixxxiiij." 
(1488?) 

Collation.— a I t t» t i fli) t fc I m It p q X S t are 4 ns , 
the first leaf of a being blank ; U a 5 11 , with the last leaf blank. 
In all 162 leaves, of which two are blank. 

Note. — m ttj is wrongly signed m tj; and n j is wrongly 
signed n tttj. 

Typographical Particulars. — There is no title-page. The 
type is entirely No. 5. The lines are fully spaced out, and 
measure 4! inches, ^^ forming a full page. Without folios or 
catchwords. 2-line initials in wood are used at the commence- 
ment of the chapters. There are six small vignette illustrations 
in wood, all of which, however, except the first, which appeared 



BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 5. 323 

in the " Golden Legend," are from the " Speculum " just 
described, where they are suited to the text, and not, as here, 
used without any reference to fitness. 

Commencing with a blank leaf, the prologue follows on a tj 
recto, with a 2 -line initial. 

The Text begins thus : — 

'glg^JSan 3 rememfcre an* tafce |)e*e of tfje conuersacton 
^^of || bs tfjat Igue in tljts toretcjje* Igf . in toijtcj) is no 
surete II ne stafile afcg*gng ♦ En* also tje contgnuel fcesgnes 
of euerg || 

The Text ends, with a full page, on sig. U 9 recto, 

'flTfjts fcoofc toas rompgle* $c ma*e atte requite of fcgng 
^elSP of dFraunce tn tje gere of tljgncarnacgon of our 
lor* / ffl . <£<£ * Ixiix ♦ & translate* or re*uce* out of 
frenssf)e m || to englgsstje og me togllgam (Eaxton ♦ atte 
requeste of a Inor- 1| sf)tpful marcijaunt & mercer of lon*on ♦ 
tojjtctje ,gjnstauntlg re^ || 



to fie ealle* Iftgall / as tofore is sag* ♦ tof)icf)e translacion or 
re^ || *ucgng oute of frensslje in to englgssije toos acjgeue* ♦ 
fgngs- 1| sf)e* & accomplgssje* tf)e xttf *ag of £eptemfcre tn 
tfje gere of ||tfjgncarnacgon of our lor*, JH/ (&<&<&(& Jxxxitij/ 
En* tn tje||secon* gere of cfje Hegne of ftgng Iftgcfjar* 
t|)etter*/|| 

In the printed epilogue appended to the book by Caxton 
we read: — "Which book is called in French ' Le livre 
Royal,' that is to say the royal book, or a book of a king ; for 
the Holy Scripture calleth every man a king which wisely and 
perfectly can govern and direct himself after virtue." But " Le 
livre Eoyal " was by no means the title by which Caxton's con- 
temporaries knew this work. The most common name is that 
found in Royal MS. 19 C. 11 "Le livre des Vices et des 
Yertus ; " although it was sometimes entitled " La Somme de 
Koi," or "La Somme des Vices et des Vertus." By whatever 
name known it was for centuries a favourite book, as is proved 



324 WILLIAM CAXTON.' 

by tlie numerous copies still extant. Its author is said to be 
"Frere Laurent de l'ordre des predicateurs et confesseur de 
Phillippe le Hardi " (Les Msc. Franc, t. iii, page 388), but his 
name does not appear in any of the above-mentioned manu- 
scripts of the work. Very soon after its appearance it was 
favourably received in England, where, in the year 1340, it 
was translated by a priest of Kent, for the purpose of being 
read to the people in their own dialect. This was called " The 
Ayenbite of In wit," and was printed from the Arundel MS. 
(ISTo. 57) in the British Museum, in 1855, for the Roxburgke 
Club. Another and purer translation into English (Addit. 
1 70 1 3) was also made in the fourteenth century. 

Existing Copies. — Bedfordshire General Library, British 
Museum, Cambridge, and five in private collections. 

No. 75. — Image of Pity. Quarto Broadside. Sine ulld notd. 
(1489?). 
This is a woodcut measuring 5 J x 3§ inches, printed on 
one side of a quarto. Like the folio woodcut described at 
page 320, and the 8vo cut described at page 322, there is a 
central figure of our Saviour upon the Cross, surrounded by 
eighteen small compartments, each having some reference to 
the Passion. Beneath the central figure the block has been 
cut, and the following sentence inserted in type No. 5 : — 

Co tjjem ifmt before 
ij)ts gmage of ppte to 
ttoutlg gage b ^r nr 
b Ettes & a (Kreto w- 
teuouslg fiefjottigng \%zu 
at of Xps passto at 
gtauteft xxxii.M. btf M 
& lb ♦ geres of parton * 

No. 76. — The Doctkinal of Sapience. Folio. " Caxton me 
fieri fecit." Without Place or Bate. Translated May 
jili, 1489. 

Collation.— E 33 (& IB <& df <3 Jft $ are 4™ ; It and 

H 5 ns . In all 92 leaves. No blanks. 



BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 5. 325 

Typographical Particulars. — There is no title-page. The 
type throughout is No. 5. The lines, which are spaced to an 
even length, measure 4J inches, and there are 33 to a page. 
Without folios or catchwords. There are side-notes, which, 
however, never exceed the three letters (&X&, which are placed 
in the margin whenever an "Example" occurs in the Text. 
Two woodcuts and printed initials. 

The Text begins on sig. H, j recto, with a 3 -line initial, 



% 



fjis tjat is torittm in tljts igtgl fiofce ougljt t^e presto 
to lerne anfi tecf)e to tjjcgr pargssljes : flints also it is nz? 
cessarg for sgmple prestes tjjat bnfierstofte not tfjc scrip 



This prologue is followed by the table, which commences on 
the bottom line of sig. <E j verso, and finishes at foot of £1 ii\ 
recto ; and on the verso, with a woodcut down the side of the 
type, and a 2 -line initial (&, is the commencement of the 
work. 



Woodcut from " Speculum? 
of Jesus in the Temple. 



;erg crgstcn man $c 

tooman ougfjt to U 

lew frrmelg tfjc xii artg^ 

cles of tfje cristen infy. 

On 33 ) is another woodcut, the Crucifixion, also from the 
"Speculum." On the verso of sig. $ t'j, the 64th chapter is 
thus dismissed : — 

C <fcf tje neclggences of tfjc masse antr of tje remrt^es 3? 
pas I! se ouer for it appertegnetf) to prestes & not to late 
mm . <£ . liiiij || 

The Text ends on the tenth recto of sig. fL, 

go* lit f)ts grace graunte for to gouueme bs in sud) topse 
antJ || Ipue in tijgs sfjort Ijtf tjat b3e map come to fjps fclpsse 
for to Ig || ue an* regne tljere togtjjout tribz in secuia secu- 
lorum ^men 

C &!ms entretf) tije doctrinal of sappence tlje tof);ncf)e is 
tpgf)t || btile an* prouffgtafcle to alle crnsten men/tofJBc&e 



3 26 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

is translate* || out of dFrensfje in to englgsslje fig togllgam 
(toton at toegtme || gjster fgngggfjetr tf)e ♦ btj * tag of mag 
tje gere of our lor* I. Ml tttt || Ira ix 

dtaton me fieri fecit 

On the verso is Caxton's large device. 

Eemarks. — The "Manipulus Curatorum," compiled in 
the early part of the fourteenth, was printed frequently in the 
fifteenth century. Greswell mentions — " Savilliani anno 1470 ; 
Aug. Yindel. 147 1 ; Gering at Paris 1478 ;" and several times 
later. In these, as in all the early French editions, the author- 
ship is ascribed to Guy, Archbishop of Sens, who died 1409. 
This has been adopted by the compilers of the Harleian 
Catalogue (in. 1552), and from them by all subsequent biblio- 
graphers. That it is, nevertheless, erroneous, appears from the 
extracts given above. In no manuscript copy is the authorship 
attributed to Guy de Eoye : in fact, it was well known before 
his time, for it was " envoie a Paris," by Elanche, Queen of 
France, who died in 1370. The archbishop was, nevertheless, 
the cause of its being circulated in the French language ; for 
about the year 1388 he employed several doctors of divinity to 
translate it from the original Latin, and promoted its use by the 
clergy in all the parishes of his diocese. Further than this he 
appears to have had no direct connection with it. 

It was known in France under the titles of "Livre de 
Sapience" and "Doctrinal de la foy catholique," but most 
commonly as "Le Doctrinal au simples gens." 

The following remark of Mr. Douce is written in his copy of 
the " Doctrinal." " The Sermons of Vitriaco," or some other of 
his works, much quoted in " Scala Perfections, " seem to have 
been used in the "Doctrinal." 

Existing Copies. — Cambridge and Oxford (2), and seven in 
private libraries. The copy at Windsor Castle is so interesting 
that a special description is necessary. It is printed on vellum, 
and has a chapter on " Negligences happing in the Mass," which 
does not appear in any other known copy. The parchment used 
is very coarse, discoloured, uneven in substance, and disfigured 
with holes. Dr. Dibdin could never have seen it, or he would 



BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 5. 327 

not have written in terms of admiration. A slip of paper at 
the beginning states, " This book was presented to the Royal 
Library by Mr. Bryant," which was doubtless the reason why 
it was (together with the iEsop) retained when that splendid 
collection became national property. It is not known how 
Bryant obtained it, but it is curious to note in these days, when 
every leaf of a Caxton represents a bank-note, how Bryant 
demurred at giving the exorbitant price of four guineas for this 
vellum copy, and then only after mature consideration with 
" old Pain," the celebrated bookbinder. 

The unique chapter at the end of this copy occupies three 
leaves, unsigned, and begins thus : — 

C <©f tfje necligences fjappgng in tfje masse ♦ anft of tfje 
reme^ || figes (Eapttulo * Iitttja 

^r|le as toe fjaite segfc tfjat tfjgs is mafte especgallg 
3E* for tfje sgmple peple*anfo for tfje sample prestes-tofjicfje 
bntrerstonti not latin / fcgcause tfjat fje is not so suffg- 
sattt||out tfjat somtgme for necltgence or otfjcr togse fje 
mag faglleli 

The whole of this chapter is very curious, and is occupied 
with what the officiating priest is to do— if, after the conse- 
cration of the wine, he remembers that no water had been 
mingled with it ; or finds that he has consecrated water only ; 
or remembers that he has eaten ought since midnight ; or 
finds a fly, a " loppe," or a venomous beast in the chalice ; 
whether, if a small piece of meat abide in the teeth, and be 
swallowed during the celebration, it incapacitates the priest 
from singing Mass; what is to be done when the priest lets 
fall any portion of the consecrated elements, or meets with a 
similar accident. 

On the third verso the chapter ends, 

&n* gf tfje fiofig of f fjesu crt'st 
or ong piece fglle bpon tfje palle of tfje aulter or bpon ong 
of tfje || bestgmentes tfjat oen fclessgft * tfje piece ougfjt not 



328 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

to fie tutu || of on tofjgcfje it is fallen . fiut it ougfjt rtgjt toel 
to tie toassfjcn || Enft tfje toassljgng "to tie gguen to tlje 
mgnistres for to fctrofte/ tl or ellgs tirgn&e it |)gm self/ 
Cf)is djapitre to fore 3 tiurst not sette in tlje fiolte tig cause 
it || is not conuengent ne apartegngng tfjat euerg lage man 
sfjoltfe II taitoe it <&t cetera / 



'Xo. 77. — Speculum Yitm Christi. Folio. " Emprynted hy 
wyllyam Caxton." Without Place or Date. Edition B. 
(1488?) 

Collation the same as "No. 71. 
Typographical Particulars the same as "No. 71. 
Commencing with a blank leaf, the Text begins thus on 
sig. a tj recto : — 

ft Snciptt Speculum bite (ftristt . 

& tj)e Seggnngnge of tje profjemge of tjje tiootte tfjat is 

clepetJ tje mgrroure of t|)e titessgti Igf of Mtsu Olrgste 

tlje fgrst parte for tfje moneyage /;c %L fceuoute meftg- 

tacion of tje grete councegll in fjeuene for tfje restorgnge of 

man || antr t)gs sauacgon . <£apttulum primum ♦ C ®f $* 

manere || 

At the head of sig. t) i) recto, 

Me lune C $rtma pars <£apitulo f 

ftome all tfje <£ourte of fjeuene toontirgnge anfi commentrgnge 
tf)e soueragne togsetiome assented toel fjere to ♦ tint fortjer^ 
more || 

At the head of sig. f 6 verso, 

ft Mt mercurif ft Cercia pars (ftapitulum xb / 

parauenture tijer toitf) a fcto smale ft ssfjes tfjat oure latrg 
§afc || orftcgneft tfjenne as go* tooltr.& soo tljertogtfj tije 
aungels co^ || 

The " Speculum " ends at foot of sig. S t recto, 



BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 5. 329 

Jjgs motier fflaxvt nob) anti euer toptfjout enti &men 
ft ferpltctt speculum bite (Kristu 

On the verso is a treatise on the Sacrament of Christ's body, 

ft & sljorte treatjpec of tfje fj^Ijest antr most toortfjj) sacra^ 
mente || of crgstcs iilesstts fcoSg . antr tf>e merueglles tijerof / 

which finishes on sig. t 3 recto with the following imprint : — 

ft ©mprgnteft fcg togllgam caxton 

On the verso of the same leaf the Text ends, 

ft Sjesu lorti tf)g fclessptr Igf / fjelpe antt comforte oute 

toret || cjjrtr Igf * &men * soo mote it U 

(£xplgcit speculum bite Olristt complete / 

ft 3jn omnt tritmlactone / temptacione * necessitate & an^ 

gustga || succurre nobis pijsstma birtjo marta Emen ♦ 

The recto of sig. t 4 is blank, and the verso occupied with 
Caxton's device. 

Existing Copies. — British Museum ; Cambridge ; Lambeth 
and two in private collections. 



No. 78. CoMMEMORATIO LAMENTATIONIS SIVE CoMPASSIONIS 

beat-e Mari^: in morte filii. Quarto. Without 
Name, Place, or Date. (149 1 ?). 

Collation. — a t C ft are 4 ns , signed on the first and third 
leaves only. Altogether 32 leaves. If a sheet is printed in 
4to, a signature on the first page is sufficient guide for the 
binder; and two sheets so printed, and the second inserted 
after folding inside the first, would give signatures as in this 
copy, and, as in the " Servitium," No. 79, which has Caxton's 
imprint. This method, however, points to a late period of 
Caxton's career, and the date 149 1 has therefore been affixed. 

Typographical Particulars. — There is no title-page. Type 
No. 5 only. The lines are evenly spaced, and 24 to a full 
page. Without folios or catchwords. One small woodcut is 
on the first page. 



330 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

The Text begins onaj recto, 

<£flmemoraeo Eametaeots sine eopasmots lit 
marie t morte filt; & to <£omemoraeo fcte ma^ 
tie ptetatts br 9memoraeo ptetatts $ eelefirart 
trefeet ferta sexta ttnetrtate peefcete Vomica t passt 
one p eo q) tpo toe legit' t eecl'ta tie resuseitaece 
la^art 

The Commemoration ends on sig. tf 8 verso. 

This particular Commemoration seems quite unknown to 
all bibliographers ; and of the edition printed by Caxton, the 
only copy known is preserved in the Public Library at Ghent. 
It was first recognised as a Caxton by Mr. M. F. A. G-. Camp- 
bell, chief librarian of the Eoyal Library, The Hague. 

No. 79. — Servitium de Transfigurations Jhesu Christl 
Quarto. Caxton me fieri fecit. Without Place or Date. 
(1491?) 

Collation. — Sig, a consists of a sheet folded in quarto, 
having a half-sheet inside; the first recto of the sheet is 
unsigned, but upon the first recto of the half-sheet, which is 
the third recto in the book, is the sig. a tj. Sig. f) is a whole 
sheet, signed only on the first recto, fi ). There are altogether 
ten leaves and no blanks. 

Typographical Particulars. — There is no title-page. The 
type is No. 5 only. The lines are spaced to an even length, 
and measure 3I inches. 24 lines to a full page. Without 
folios or catchwords. One small woodcut of the transfiguration 
on the first recto. The initial letter in wood, with many 
rubrics, are printed in red, not as noticed in " Quatre derren- 
nieres choses," by the same pull of the press, but by a separate 
operation. 

The Text begins on an unsigned leaf, in red ink, 

C <&etauo lp9 &ttguj3tt fiat serine'/ tie tnsfigu 

The Text ends on sig. ft 4 verso, 

set to9 ♦ $3er ota sera scntioru amen 
C (Eaalon me fieri feeit/ 



BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 5. 331 

Kemaeks. — This little tract has considerable interest for 
the bibliographer, for although Caxton had already printed 
several service books before this was undertaken, such as the 
two (if not three) editions of the "Horse" (pages 189 and 240 
ante), the Psalter with Service for the Dead (page 105 ante), 
and the " Servitium de Visitatione" (page 264 ante), not 
to mention the service books for the priests, such as " The 
Festial " and the three editions of " Directorium," yet this can 
certainly claim a unique distinction in two particulars, for it 
is the only perfect service book in the types of Caxton, and it 
is the only one known to have his imprint. 

The observations concerning the printing of the "Horse," 
last noticed, might be repeated here. This also has every 
appearance of being a very late issue. No other book from 
the same press was signed in a similar way. The first sheet 
was evidently, like sig. J), printed four pages at once, in which 
case it would be only necessary to sign the first page, so as to 
show the binder how to fold it. As in the first sheet the red- 
ink title and the woodcut would answer that purpose, we find 
no signature at all ; but the first page of the half-sheet, which 
is the third leaf in the tract, is signed a tf. This is very 
systematic, and according to the same plan the second sheet 
is signed fc j on the first recto only ; but it is an advance in 
the art, beyond the usual practice of Caxton. 

This service is one of the numerous additions made to the 
" Church Calendar " in the fifteenth century, and, being newly 
ordained by the Church, would not be found in the old manu- 
script 1 " Service Books." To supply this deficiency it was, 
therefore, printed separately. 

The only Existing Copt was purchased many years ago 
in a volume of theological tracts by Joshua "Wilson, Esq., of 
Tunbridge Wells. When, in 1831, Mr. Wilson presented a 
large portion of his collection to the Congregational Library, 
Blomfield Street, London, this volume was among the number. 
Here it was first noticed, in i860, as containing a Caxton, by 
Mr. Cowper, who sent an account of the volume to Notes and 
Queries. It was determined shortly after to dispose of it, and, 
in July 1862, it came under the hammer of Mr. Puttick, 



332 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

when it fetched the high price of ^200, and added another 
curiosity to the Caxtonian treasures of the British Museum. 
The volume is in its original binding, somewhat dilapidated, 
of oak boards covered with stamped leather, and contains 
besides four other black-letter tracts. 



No. 80. — Horye — a Fragment. Fourth Edition, &vo. Sineulld 
notd. (1490?). 

The Collation cannot be given, as four leaves only, signed 
t! ), ft if, ft ttf, ft Utf, are known. 

Typographical Particulars. — The type is No. 5 only. 
The lines, of which there are seventeen to a page, are fully 
spaced out, and measure 2| inches. Large full-faced Lom- 
bardic capitals are plentifully used, and printed in red ink 
separately, as are also such words as Psalmus and Versicle. 
This points to quite a late production in the career of Caxton, 
probably after he had resigned the management of the practical 
part to his successor, Wynken de Worde. 

The Text of sig. ft \ recto begins thus, with a 2-line capital 
© in red ink, 

(JMortosa ftmma ml? 

la p'rpcr sitora qui U tit- 

autt ptoufte lactastt sacro btee 

These are Latin rhymes printed as prose. 
The first words on the succeeding recto are — 2, XUttt lite- 
rati; 3, fcommum; 4, Btw. 

These unique leaves, which have evidently been used as 
binder's waste to form the covers of a book, were presented to 
the British Museum, in 1858, by Mr. Mask ell (C. 35. a.). 
Measurement 5 J x 4 inches. 



A 

DESCRIPTION OF BOOKS PRINTED 

IN 

TYPE No. 6. 



BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE No. 6. 



81. Fayts" ...... 


. 1489 


82. Statutes ...... 


1489 


83. Govemal ..... 


. 1489 


84. Reynard. Second Edition .... 


1489? 


85. Blanchardyn ..... 


. 1489? 


86. Four Sons of Aymon .... 


1489 ? 


87. Directorium Sacerdotum. Second Edition 


. 1489? 


88. Eneydos ...... 


1490? 


89. Dictes. Third Edition 


1490 ? 


90. Mirror. Second Edition .... 


1490 ? 


91. Divers Ghostly .... 


. 1491 ? 


92. Fifteen Oes ..... 


1491? 


93. Art and Craft ...... 


. 1491 ? 


94. Courtesy. Second Edition . 


1491 ? 


95. Festial. Second Edition 


. 1491 ? 


96. Four Sermons. Second Edition . 


1491? 


97. Ars moriendi ..... 


. 1491 ? 


98. Chastising ...... 


1491? 


99. Treatise of Love .... 


• 1491 ? 



BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE No. 6. 



No. Si. — The Eayts of Arms and of Chivalry. Folio. "Per 
Caxton." Without Place. Printed the 14th day of July, 
the fourth year of the reign of K. Henry VII., or 1489. 

Collation. — Two unsigned leaves of table; <H %$ (ft IB Q& 
jf<&m$1fc%<M&<BW®&til 4 ns ; S a 3 n , with the 
last leaf blank. In all 144 leaves, of which one is blank. 

Typographical Particulars. — There is no title-page. The 
whole book is in one type only, No. 6. The lines, which are 
fully spaced out, measure 4f inches, and there are 31 to a full 
page. "Without folios or catchwords. "Woodcut initial letters. 

The Text begins, with a 3-line initial, 

<£re fcegjmnetfj tf)e tafile of tf)e rufirgsfjps of tfje 
fiofte of tfje fagt of armes ant* of (Efjguairge toi)id)e 
sapb fiotte ts foepartgfc in to ftmre parties / 
C W$z fgrst partge tieugsettj tfje manere tjjat fcgnges anfc 

On sig. $1 } recto, 

?l}ere fceggnnetf) tije tolt of fagttes of armes & of (Efjgual- 
rge / anfc tje first ejapgtre ts tjje prologue / in tofjt'cfje xpr^ 
stgne of ppse eieusetf) f)ir self to fjatte tiar enterprise to 
spefce || of so fjpe matere as ts contegnetr in tijts sag* toft 

The Text ends on the verso of the same leaf, 

remagne alletoap bpctorgous / Enft trails enereaee fro ber 
tu to bertue & fro tetter to tetter to f)ts lautie & fjonour m 
tijts II present ipf/tij at after tfjgs sjort & transttorge Ipf/ 
f)e mag at^ || tegne to euerlastjmg Igf in fjeuen / 2M)tcfje 
go* graunte to || f)gm antf to aile f)£S Igege peple &jRa©J£/ 

^3er dtaton 



336 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

Remarks. — There is a MS. in the British Museum (Roy, 15 
E vi) containing the original French text of Christine de Pisan. 
It agrees very accurately with Caxton's English version, and 
has the introductory chapter, in which Christine excuses her- 
self, and explains her reasons for writing a work on chivalry. 
This manuscript is also interesting from having been written 
for the celebrated John Talbot, Earl of Shrewsbury, who died 
in 1453, and by whom it was presented to Queen Margaret. 
A still greater degree of interest would invest the volume if we 
suppose it to be the identical manuscript from which Caxton 
made his translation. This is certainly not improbable, as the 
original from the Koyal Library was intrusted to our printer, 
for the purpose of translation and printing, by King Henry YII 
of England, as we learn from the prologue : — " which book, 
being in Erench, was delivered to me, William Caxton, by the 
most christian king, my natural sovereign lord, King Henry 
VII, in his Palace of Westminster, and desired me to translate 
this said book, and to put it in print." 

Many Erench bibliographers (Les Msc. Frang. t. v, page 94) 
ascribe the composition of "Eait d'Armes et de Chevalerie" to 
Jean le Meun, so well known from his connection with "Le 
Roman de le Rose." The sole reason for this appears to have 
been the fact that Jean le Meun translated into Erench the 
celebrated work of Vegetius, "De re militari," written in 1284, 
a work often quoted in the " Eaits dArmes ; " but since the 
writings of Christine have become better known, no one has 
ventured to claim for the thirteenth, a work containing refer- 
ences and facts applicable only to the fifteenth century. That 
a book on the " Rules of War " should in any age have been 
written by a woman, is sufficiently improbable to require a 
critical examination ; and, therefore, as the claims of Christine 
to the authorship of " Les Eaits d'Armes " are still denied by 
some writers, it may not be inappropriate to state both sides of 
the argument. 

Among the manuscripts in the British Museum is one 
entitled "The Boke of Noblesse" (Royal 18, B. xxn). This, 
for the first time, was printed in i860, for the members of 
the Roxburghe Club. The author is entirely unknown, and 



BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 6. 337 

the only reason for mentioning this at all is that the name of 
Christine frequently appears in its pages as an authority upon 
military matters, but is always referred to as "Dame Cristyn 
in hir booke of Tree of Batailes," or some military phrase. 
But " L'Arbre des Battailes " is the well-known compilation 
of Honore Bonet, of which copies may be seen in Royal 20 C. 
viii, and Addit. 22768. Now, what is the natural conclusion 
from this erroneous ascription ? Evidently that the unknown 
writer of the "Book of Noblesse," quoting probably from a 
copy of "L'Arbre des Battailes," which had neither prologue 
nor epilogue ; and having in his mind the great fame of 
Christine as the writer of a book on a similar subject, made 
the not unpardonable mistake of misquoting the author's name, 
and attributing to Christine, the compiler of " Les Faits 
d' Amies," all the quotations drawn from Bonet's " L'Arbre de 
Battailes." Not so, argues Mr. John Gough Nichols, in his 
interesting preface to the Roxburghe impression. "Christina 
de Pisan," he urges, " was a Poetess ; " and it is not likely that 
she had more to do with the "Faits d' Amies" than the "dame 
Christine " of " The Book of Noblesse " had with the " Arbre 
des Battailes." In support of this opinion is quoted a marginal 
note in "The Boke of Noblesse," in an old hand-writing, 
but more modern than the original manuscript, to the following 
effect : — 

V Arbre des Battailles compose par Honore Bonet Prieur de Ballon en 
Prouuence." 

" Note y t in some Authors this Booke is termed Dame Christine of y e 
tree of Battayles, not that she made yt ; But bicause she was a notable 
Benefactour to Learned men and perchance to y e autor of this Booke 
And therefore diverse of them sette furthe their Bookes under her 
name." 

The author of this note was evidently unacquainted with 
the particulars of the life, or the character of the writings, of 
Christine — the " virilis foemina " of her eminent contemporary, 
Gerson — and "La grant sagesse " of her editor, Jean Marot. 
The assertion that authors set forth their books under her 
name is unsupported by a single known instance; while her 

Y 



338 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

early tuition, political life, and numerous writings, would "both 
enable and incline her to compose such a work. 

Christine expressly states in the preface that she wrote 
the work ; and although Verard, in his printed edition of 
1488, omits the prefatory address, it appears in numerous 
manuscripts, and may be read in Caxton's translation. "Be- 
cause," says Christine, "men of arms are not clerks, nor 
instructed in the science of language, I have assembled and 
gathered together diverse books to produce this work. And 
because that this is a thing not accustomed and out of usage 
to women / which commonly do not intermit but to spin on 
the distaff and occupy them in things of household. I suppli- 
cate humbly * * to have nor take it for no evil if I a woman 
charge myself to treat of so high a matter." 

Then follows an appeal to the goddess Minerva, who, being 
born in "Puylle" in Italy, was "somewhat consonant in the 
nation," for, adds Christine, "I am as thou wert, a woman 
Italian." 

Christine was no common poetess whose strength was in 
the prettiness of her amatory verses. The short account of 
her already given (see ante page 195) will show the energetic 
and comprehensive character of her mind. Educated by her 
father in the whole course of literature at that time in vogue, 
she had, while yet young, made herself mistress of the Latin 
language, and stored her mind by the perusal of the most 
celebrated writings, as well Pagan as Christian. Living in 
the midst of wars and preparations for war, many of her 
acknowledged writings teem with warlike allusions. In politics 
her opinion had great weight ; she was consulted by the 
highest nobles of Prance; and many years of her life were 
spent in the endeavour to raise the political and moral tone of 
the country. The celebrated Jean le Meun found in her no 
weak opponent, and the equally celebrated Chancellor Gerson 
a most potent ally. 

There are 21 copies of this work known, of which eleven 
are in private libraries. 



BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 6. 339 

No. 82. — Statutes of Henry VII. Folio. Sine ulld notd. 
(1489?) 

Collation. — a ft C * are 4 ns , with the first leaf of a blank ; 
t a 5 11 , with the last blank. Total 42 leaves, of which two are 
blank. 

Note. — The signature is omitted on a tf. The third and 
fifth leaves of t are erroneously signed ft \\) and * b. 

Typographical Particulars. — There is no title-page. The 
type is all No. 6. The lines, which are spaced to an even length, 
measure 4! inches, and there are 31 (in three instances 2>2> 
lines) to a full page. Without folios or catchwords. Only one 
2-line woodcut initial is used. 

After a blank leaf, the work commences on the second recto 
of sig. a. 

The Text begins thus — 

C ^5* fegnge our soueregn lorte fjcnrg tfje seuentf) after tfje 
conquest tig tfje grace of go* fcgng of <£nglon* & of dFra^ 
unce an* Ior*e of jjtlon&e at fjis parlgamet fjol*en at toeste 

The Text ends with nine lines on sig. e 9 verso, the last 
three being as follows : — 

II pleasure &HIje*er fje togile after tfje fourme contegne* & 
ortiet || neti in an* fcg tf)ts acte/or after tfje maner & fourme 
afore tt || tnebse*/ 

Eemarks. — This is the earliest known volume of printed 
statutes, and is further remarkable as being in English. It 
contains some very curious and interesting legislation on poli- 
tical, trade, and domestic matters. 

The British Museum copy was purchased from Mr. Lilly, 
who, a few days before, had bought it at Hodgson's for ^2, 10s. 
It was then bound up with some other law tracts and year- 
books, mostly from the press of Machlinia, one of which, being 
unique, was catalogued by Mr. Lilly at 100 guineas. There is 
also a perfect copy in the National Library, Paris, and the Inner 
Temple, London, with one copy only in private hands. 



340 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

No. 83. — The Go vernal of Health. — The Medicina 
Stomachi. Quarto. Sine ulld notd. (1489?) 

Collation.— The "Governal," E and $ 4 ns ; the "Medi- 
cina," two unsigned leaves = eighteen leaves. 

Typographical Particulars. — Without title-page. Only- 
one type, HSTo. 6, is used throughout. The lines, which are of 
an even length, and measure 2§ inches, excepting $3 7 verso, 
which has 24, have all 23 lines to a page. Woodcut initials to 
chapters. Without folios or catchwords. 

The Text begins on sig. <E j recto, 

n tf)te ttetpe tfjat ts clepetf #o 

^SB"* uernagle of ijrttfje : OTijat ts to 

Ggw fie sag* togtf) rrpstts Jjelpe of so- 

J^a, ™» tfjgnges tfiat longen to fiofct 

IS fjeltfje / fjatitre aitir to tie fcept or 

to totals ^eltfte ♦ lost an* to fce recouete* / an* 

and ends, 

Cf)ts tecegte fiougfjte ts of no potscarge 
<©f magstet antong ne of master Jmgje 
2To ail inherent it is rgcfjest ftpetatge 

Explicit meUtctna stomacfjt : 

Eemarks. — The " Governal '' was originally written in Latin," 
and soon after translated into English, but no trace of the 
translator's name is left. The date of the original composition 
is unknown ; we can only gather from the non-existence of 
manuscripts of an earlier date than the latter half of the four- 
teenth century that it was composed about that period. 

The name of the author or compiler is doubtful. From 
Shane 989 one would say that John de Burdens wrote it for 
the good of a "frende," but Sloane 3149 attributes it to another 
writer, "Explicit tractatus Bartholomew" John de Burdeux 
was the author of several tracts on medicine, and nourished in 
the latter half of the fourteenth century. Bartholomeus was 
rather a prolific writer of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, 



Plate XIII. 

Caxton's Type, No. 6. 




i) &t« ttrtfh $at ttf tfyx* <0o 
irttnagfc of fclifcttTiSDfcat i#& 
ft fago %$ tipfite (felpe of fo* 
m« tfen£C0 $a< fonget) fc &&t 
!p $BUbc/fjatt?'&Ho & & fopt 02 
to footlp flrldfc Jfcft an* to ft kcowko/ an* 
10 fcparfco it) fcnj.etiapgfatwf/tiM t* fc fage 
It) $« fgtfte cfrapgte of tfce ftoffiix of goo* 
<8ou«tnapfc of (Mtfy3») tfc tj.cfcappft* VofyM 
ie ftjf(S ot) mototb to ft tt»j/3») <b« ttj.ctyaptfcc 
of ftfcplg egmfpce/ $at te to fage. ftfgm© g 
$0 pwfgfe,' 3t) $e fom$ c^apftoe of fpgos 
of c^owficc/jiit^fpf^e c^aptgerc^lbami 
faUx §aue %>ri) tt) tn«fe.tt) efgng §10 mefes : 
jt) $e S).c^apt<2c fatb a mat) fl$k> baue &>n) 
tt) otgnfcgno; of fcte fcqwtlwe/Jw ty* Sty.cijap 
pta tbfctf f $1* ft cone afta meft/3*> fy $W 
ctjapgtts of d?e no? f< of euptt gouetnaunce 

*ir* C nctpt^ t}ptj)^a<tbotl Ijam (bnge 
*JL» Ipff to fcnotbe tf)e craf te of ifclfcmc 50^ 
ucmepfc, Qj n ^ (ofet fo fopc contynuetlglb* 
!M#* of fre w/ for tte £ mage not eon) to 

9 i 



BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 6. 341 

but the " Go vernal " is not found among the works generally 
attributed to him. Whoever may have been the author, the 
work possesses small claims to originality, being a compilation 
from the medical works of the Arabian and Greek physicians, 
and quoting largely from the " Regimen Sanitatis Salernitanum." 
The " Medicina Stomachi " is contained in most collections of 
Lydgate's poetry, and in Harl. 116 is directly attributed to 
him. 

Both tracts were reprinted by Wynken de Worde, sine 
anno, who repeats all the blunders of the first edition. These 
editions are equally rare, the only copy of the second being 
in the Public Library, Cambridge. An annotated reprint of 
Caxton's text was issued privately by the editor of tins work 
in 1858. On no other occasion does this interesting treatise, 
which was the earliest medical book printed in the English 
language, appear to have passed through the press. 

A good copy is in the old library of the Earls of Dysart, 
at Ham House, Surrey, and another in the Bodleian. 



No. 84. — The History of Eeynard the Eox. Second Edition. 
Folio. Sine idld notd. (1489?) 

Collation. — An unsigned sheet of introductory matter; 
sigs. a t C tl f Q J are 4 ns ; t is a 3". ISTo blank leaves. In 
all seventy leaves. 

Typographical Particulars. — There is no title-page. The 
type throughout is No. 6. The lines, which are fully spaced 
out, measure 5-| inches, and there are 31 (sometimes 32) 
to a page. Woodcut initials are used. On the first recto 
is Caxton's device, underneath which is the following line 
only :— 

£ aHjts is tlje taiile of tje fjtstorge of 3£egnatt tfje foxe / 

On the verso commences the table, which ends seven lines 
down the second recto, underneath which is, 

C J^ger fceggnneti) igstorge of regnar* tfje foxe . 

The preface finishes the page. The second verso is blank. 



342 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

On sig, a f, 

C Jgoto tje l#on fcgnge of alXe tiestgs xtnt oute $gs 
mautre || mentgs ttjat alle fieestgs g^oltre come to fjgs feest 
anfc court / 1| 

C <£apttulo $rtmo 

The conclusion of the text cannot be given, no perfect copy 
being at present known. For an account of the first edition of 
this celebrated allegory see ante page 229. 

The only Existing Copy is in the Pepysian Library, Cam- 
bridge. It unfortunately wants the last two leaves, containing 
the epilogue of Caxton, and ends on sig. t 4 verso, with these 
words, 

&n* Jet togtj) toil g leue fforto 
J)at f)auc $ to torgteof tfj^se tngstotots 3J fjaue ^notot) to troo 

It is in good condition, but cropped, measuring 9 x 6§ inches. 
Pepys's arms on the binding, and his book-plate inside. The 
wanting leaves are supplied in manuscript of seventeenth 
century. 

No. 85. — The History op Blanchardin and Eglantine. 
Folio. Sine ulld notd. (1489?) 

Collation. — Imperfectly known. The introductory matter 
makes a 3 11 , signed t, tt, ttj, the sixth leaf being blank. & 1$ (& 
B<&JF<&3%§'$t'&M are 4™ and there were probably 
several other additional signatures. 

Typographical Particulars. — Without title. The type is 
all No. 6. The lines, which are all of one length, measure 
4§ inches, and there are 3 1 to a full page. Woodcut initials. 
Without folios or catchwords. 

The Text begins on sig. j recto, with a prologue by Caxton, 

GjOJlto tfje rtgj)t nofcle pugssaut & eicellet prgncesse mg 

retioufotetf latjg mg latig margarcte fcucfjesse of So- 

mercete / motrer bnto our naturel & soueragn lortt anfi most 

and finishes on the verso of the same leaf, 

gottcs fccstrs in tf)p present Igf : c 8totr after fljis sfjort 
an* transgtorge \vi . eueriastgnge Igff in fjeuen &men / 



BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 6. 343 

The table follows on sig. tj, with a 2-line initial, 

jd£te oegpnnetj) tf)e tafile of tfje btetorgous prgnee 
ISiancjjartogn / sone of tjje ttoole fcgng of dFrpse 

and finishes on the 5th recto, which, however, in the only copy- 
known, is, unfortunately, in manuscript. This appears to have 
been copied from the very rare reprint by Wynken cle Worde, 
the last four lines being — " How Blanchardin wedded his love 
the proude | pucelle in amours : And of the grete ioye that | 
was made there . and of the Kynge of Fryse deth capl liiij " 

The sixth leaf is blank. On sig. ill j recto the first chapter 
commences as follows : — 

C 2Tf)e first cfjapttre of tfjts present fcofce eontegnetf) $oto 

ISlanefjaitiBn fiepatteti out of tje eourt of fits fatier k^nge 

of frgse / (tfapttttlo prtmo . 

^T Jgat tgme tofjen tfje 3&tgljt Jappg ♦ toele of 

All the text after sig. ,$& it if is wanting in the only known 
copy. 

Kemarks. — The prologue to Caxton's translation of this 
romance is fortunately preserved, from which we learn that 
Margaret, Duchess of Somerset, brought to Caxton the French 
version of this romance (which she had "long before "pur- 
chased of him), with her commands that he should translate 
it into English. Having made the translation, he presented it 
to Her Grace, probably as a manuscript, as he says nothing of 
any command to print it. It was, however, soon after put to 
press, perhaps at Caxton's own risk, as a trade speculation. As 
to the date, there are only the typographical particulars to guide 
us, which, however, all point to about the year 1489. 

The only known Existing Copy is in the library of Earl 
Spencer. One leaf is in the Library of the British Museum. 

No. 86. — The Four Sons of Aymon. Folio. Sine ulld notd. 
(1489?) 

The Collation cannot be given accurately, as no perfect 
copy is known. aBOrB&J^Jgfl&ILiftJi© 



344 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

1 4g $i £ C ® X © ^ aa Mire tof ee ff gg j j u fefe n are 

all 4 ns , tttttt being a 3 11 , with the sixth leaf, probably, blank. 
This makes a total of 278 leaves; but it is more than likely 
that some introductory matter preceded sig. £1. 

Typographical Particulars. — Only one type, No. 6, is used. 
The lines, which are all of an even length, measure 4§ inches, 
and there are 31 to a full page. Without folios or catchwords. 
Woodcut initials throughout. 

The only known copy of this edition begins on sig. %$ Uf, 
in the middle of a sentence : — 

3ftegttatoto one of tijz sones of ^gmott / tofietof speegallg tre 

The Text ends on the fifth verso of sig. ttlttl, with the folio w- 

;entence : — 

£ fagr lottos tfjenne tfjat tfns present fiofce gfjal re- 
'to or fjere ♦ toe ajiall prage goti & tfje glorgous sagnte 
<Eegnauto tfje marter/tjjat f)e ggue bs grace to perseuere/ 
an* || eontgnue our Itff in gooti toerfces . fcg tfje tofjteje toe 
mag f)a || ue at our entJgnge tfje lift tijat euer sfjall laste/ 

Remarks. — Manuscripts of this favourite romance, con- 
cerning the original of which little appears to be known, 
mount up to the thirteenth century, and references to it are 
found in manuscripts of a still earlier date ; but all these are 
rhythmical romances, and Caxton's translation (if we may give 
him the credit of it) was evidently made from a French prose 
text, perhaps that printed at Lyons, about 1480, under the 
title "Les quatre filz Aymon." 

Before the discovery of the volume under review, the earliest 
printed English text of " The four sons of Aymon " was the 
1554 edition of E. Copland, to which was appended the follow- 
ing colophon : — 

" 4[ Here finishith the hystory of the | noble and valiaunt knyght 
Reynawde | of Movmtawban, and his three bre- | thern rfT Imprinted at 
London, by I Wynken de Worde, the . viij . daye of | Maye, and y e yere of 
our lorde . M,C | CCCC iiii . at the request and com- | maundement of 



BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 6. 345 

the noble and puis- | saunt erle, the Erie of Oxenforde, | And now 
Emprinted in the yere of | our Lord . M . CCCCC . 1 iiii . the j vi daye of 
Alaye, By wylliam Cop- | land, for Thomas Petet." 

From Copland's colophon we learn that an edition was 
issued in 1504 by Wynken de Worde, although, unfortunately, 
not a single copy is now known to exist. He, of course, re- 
printed from the text under review ; and, indeed, the first 
portion of the colophon above quoted, so far as it concerns 
Wynken de "Worde, is quite in Caxton's style, and recalls the 
numerous instances already noticed in which Wynken de 
Worde, by altering the printer's name and the date, has falsi- 
fied both typographical and historical truth. That in this 
case he used Caxton's colophon, with alterations, is rendered 
almost certain when the prologue to Copland's edition is 
perused. Here we have all the peculiarities of our first printer's 
style, and his very diction. 

No manuscript or printed copy of Caxton's life of Robert, 
Earl of Oxford, is known. 

The only known Existing Copy of Caxton's edition is in the 
library of Earl Spencer. It is imperfect, wanting all before sig. 
tStij ; 3 8, J^ 8, and JHjH 6, upon which probably was the 
Device. 

No. 87. — DlRECTORIUM SaCERDOTUM, UNA CUM DeFENSORIO 
EJUSDEM ; ITEM TRACTATUS QUI DICITUR CREDE MIHI. 

Folio. Second Version. Second Edition. "Imjpres- 
sum per Willelmu Caxton apud ivestmonasteriu prope 
London / " Without Date. (1489 ?) 

Collation. — A preliminary 4 n , signed only on the fourth 
recto with the figure 4; afcciutgfjtfc ImnOpqtSt 
UIg are all 4 ns ; ^ is a 5 11 . Total 194 leaves. No blanks. 

Typographical Particulars. — There is no title-page. The 
type is all No. 6. The lines, which are spaced to an even length, 
measure 4! inches. Exclusive of head-lines there are 31 to a 
page. A few 2-line woodcut initials. Without folios or catch- 
words. The Table on the 8th recto is printed in black and red. 

The " Kalendar," which has the same woodcut KL as in the 
first edition, commences on the first recto, thus : — 



346 WILLIAM CAXTON. 



m% I 1 ^P^tnta ties mensis et septima trucat bt ensm 
1 mH<dffi ganuaritts fjafcet ties mj/iuna foero .m 

The Text ends on sig. £ io verso, 

ta pctetit etrare : m setutcto trtumo Beo <§ractas 
C <toton me fieri fecit ♦ . 

Kemarks. — From the fact of the Printer beginning his table 
for finding the Golden and Dominical Letters at the year 1489, 
we may safely assume that year to be the date of printing, as 
to print back years would be useless. The combination of red 
and black figures, the black form being first printed, and the 
red form secondly and separately, shows a great advance in 
workmanship over other books by Caxton. 

Like the first edition, there is only one Existing Copy known 
of this, which is in the Bodleian Library. It is, with " The 
Art and Craft to know well to die " by the same printer, still 
in the original parchment wrapper, as issued from Caxton's 
workshop. It is perfect, and in good condition. 



No. SS. — Eneydos. Folio. Without Printer's Name, Place, 
or Date. " Translated by me wyllyam Caxton" June 
22nd, 1490. 

Collation.— Sig. & a 3 11 , with the first leaf blank : $3 (& ID 
<£ JP <& 3§ 3 $£ & are 4 ns > with & 8 blank - In a11 86 leaves, 
of which two are blank. 

Dr. Dibdin erroneously ascribes only four leaves to sig. £1. 

Note. — Sig. a is very irregular : the first leaf, which is blank, 
is not reckoned in the signatures, the second and third leaves 
being signed respectively <H ), and & if- The fourth leaf, which, 
to agree with the others, should have been signed £1 U), has no 
signature at all ; while the omitted signature, £1 lij, appears 
on the sixth or last leaf of the 3" 

Typographical Particulars. — There is no title-page. The 
type is all No. 6. The lines are spaced to an even length, and 



BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 6. 347 

measure 4f inches. There are 3 1 lines to a full page. Woodcut 
initials of two, three, and six lines in depth. 

After a blank leaf the prologue begins on the second recto, 
signed E j, 

&fter trpuerse toerte ma*e / translate* an* aefjteue* / f)a 
ugng noo toerfce in Mantle ♦ 3 stttgng in mg stu*ge tofiere as 
lage mang *guerse jmunflettts an* tioofcgs * fjappene* tijat 

The Text ends on sig. IL 7 recto, with the following 
colophon : — - 

?1}<£1&<S fgngssfjett) ifje fcofce gf <£neg*os / eompgle* fcg 
2£gt || ogle / tofjtcfje fjatije fie translate* cute of latgne in to 
frens je7 II &n* oute of frensfje re*uee* in to <£nglgss?)e Iig 
me togllm || (toton / tjje xxtj . *age of gugn • ttje gere of our 
Ior*e . M ♦ tit) II <£ tax, &J)e fgtfje gere of tje define of 
fcgncje ffienrg || tje seuentf) 

Caxton's device on the verso. The eighth leaf is a blank. 

Remarks. — The "lytyl booke in frenshe, named Eneydos," 
which happened to come under our Printer's notice while sit- 
ting in his study surrounded with many divers pamphlets, is 
a free paraphrase of portions of "The iEneid," by Virgil. 
Had Gawin Douglas, who, in 1553, issued a Scotch metrical 
version of " The iEneid," read Caxton's preface, he would 
have seen that Caxton does not pretend to give a translation 
of the Latin poem, and might have spared himself the trouble 
of some hundreds of lines in abuse thereof. The " Eneydos " 
was issued only as a romance compiled from Virgil's " iEneid," 
and Bocace's " Eall of Princes ; " and, with little merit, it 
seems to have gained little favour, even with the lovers of 
such compilations, for it never reached a second edition. It 
would appear, however, that a good sale was expected, and an 
impression more numerous than usual struck off, as few of 
Caxton's books are so common as "Eneydos." 

Existing Copies. — British Museum (3) ; Cambridge ; Trinity 
College, Cambridge ; Oxford (3) • St. John's, Oxford; Hunterian, 
Glasgow ; and 1 1 in private libraries. 



348 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

No. 89. — The Dictes and Sayings op the Philosophers. 
Third Edition. Folio. Westminster. The year 1477 
erroneously reprinted, the real date being about 1490. 

Collation. — The device and prologue occupy two unsigned 
leaves ; then, E 33 (ft B <£ JF <§ are 4 ns ; Jg and $ 3 ns , the 
sixth leaf of jjf being blank. In all 70 leaves, of which the 
last is blank. Dr. Dibdin erroneously says "only 66 leaves." 

There is no title-page. The only type used is No. 6. The 
lines, which are fully spaced out, measure 4! inches. There are 
30 and 32 lines to a page, but mostly 31. Without folios or 
catchwords. 2 and 3-line woodcut initials. 

Caxton's device is in the centre of the first recto, the pro- 
logue commencing on the verso with a 2-line wood initial, 

$ftzxt it is so tfjat euerg creature fig tje suff raunce of 

>our lorti 30ft is tan an* ortfegneti to fie sufigette antr 

tfjrall bnto t|)e stormes of fortune ♦ ilntt so in tiiuerse anti 

On sig. &j the work commences : — 

<£trecf)ias toas tjje first, ${)tlosopj)tr fig to$om 
tfjrougS tfje togl art& pleaser of oure lortr goto, Sa^ 
pience toas bntterstantie antr latoes resceguetr. toj)i- 
cj)e* Seftecfjias satoe tjjat euerg creature of goo* fieleue 

The Text ends at foot of fifth recto of sig. %f f 

OTJfjom $ fiesecfje &imggf)tg goti tencrece antr to continue 
in f)ts bertuous fcispostcton in tins toorttJ ♦ %Lnii after tin's 
igf to Igue euer lasttnglg in Jjeuen . Emen ♦ 

C <£a:cton me fferi fecit ♦ 

The verso and final leaf are blank. 

Remarks. — This is another instance of the original date 
and imprint of a book being reproduced in subsequent 
editions. All the typographical particulars prove it to have 
been printed about 1490 ; and the presence of signatures, 
printed initials, and evenly spaced lines, give direct testimony 
against the date 1477, at which time none of these improve- 
ments had been adopted at Westminster. 



BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 6. 349 

For literary particulars, see the first edition, page 188, ante. 

Existing Copies. — Cambridge: St. John's College, Cam- 
bridge ; Oxford, and Lambeth Palace. Three copies are in 
private libraries. 



]S~o. 90. — The Mirrour of the World. Second Edition. 
Folio. The Name, Place, and Date of the First Edition 
reprinted ; but about 1490. 

Collation.— a fic&efflf)tfclare 4 ns , the last leaf 
occupied with the device only. In all 88 leaves. 

Typographical Particulars. — There is no title-page. The 
type is all No. 6. The lines, which are spaced to an even 
length, measure 4! inches, and a full page contains 31. With- 
out folios or catchwords. 2 and 3-line initials in wood. 

Commencing with a blank leaf, the table follows on the 
second recto, signed, however, a j* 

The Text begins on a j recto, 

J&xz fceggnnetf) £* tafjle of tfje tutrices of tf)i$ present 
te bolume nametr tfje mgrrour of tfje booritr or tf)g~ 
mage of tfje same / 

The Text ends on the seventh verso of sig. I, 

airti transgtorge Igf Je fcrgnge fjgmantf bs in to f)is eelestg- 
all fclgsse in fjeuene &m<&&l 

C <£aiton me fteri fecit. 

On the eighth verso is the device, the recto being blank. 

Eemarks. — Although this book bears the same dates as 
the first edition, it is very evident from the type, from the 
device, from the use of a woodcut to head Chapter II, which 
had been used shortly before in the "Koyal Book," and from 
many other more minute evidences, that it really was not 
printed till about 1490. 

It would seem that the proper cut for Chapter II, viz. a 
figure of a philosopher with the globe in his hand, having 
been injured or lost, that the workman chose the first which 
offered itself, and thus, in this edition, we have the very 



350 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

inappropriate illustration of Christ's transfiguration, as head to 
the chapter, " Why God made and created the World. " 

Existing Copies. — Cambridge : Pepysian, Cambridge ; 
Exeter College, Oxford ; Hunterian, Glasgow ; Baptist College, 
Bristol ; and eight in private hands. 



No. 91. — A Book of divers Ghostly mattees, contain- 
ing : — The Seven points of true Love and ever- 
lasting Wisdom, or Orologium Sapientle : The 
Twelve profits of Tribulation ; — The Eule of 
St. Benet. Quarto. Wyllelmu Caxton. " Empry ruled 
at westmynstre." Without Date. (1490 ?) 

Collation. — The "Seven points of True Wisdom" has 
a AS (ft B <& $ Vt % It H M all 4™ or 96 leaves. 

The "Twelve profits of Tribulation" has & 2$ (ft 23 all 

4 ns , or 32 leaves. 

The "Eule of St. Benet" has a ft 4 ns > and C a 2 n , or 20 
leaves. 

Total of the three tracts, 148 leaves, all printed. 

Note. — The signatures to the third tract are unusual, viz. 
a is signed aa, a i), aa ttj, a tttj ; fi is signed fofi t) \), ft ttj, 
t Uij ; C is signed CC, C tj* 

Typographical Particulars. — Without title-page. The 
type throughout is No. 6. The lines, which are spaced to an 
even length, measure 3I inches, and 24 make a full page. 
Without folios or catchwords. 

The Text of " The Seven points of True Wisdom " begins 
on sig. E j : — 

Mm fcen tje cijapttres of tfjgs tut$$t 
of $* seuen pogntes of ttetoe ioue antr 
euertotgng togjftom toatoen oute of 

B* fioofce & is hmten in latgn an* clepe* <&xo? 

logtum saptencte / 

The tract ends thus, on sig. JH 8 verso, 

C SHjus entutf) tfje tteatpe of tfje bit 
poptes of true ioue & euerlastpg foghorn/ 



% 



BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 6. 351 

tjtatont of of tfje fcoke tfjat is totgten in latcn na 
mcfc (©rologtu sapiecte ♦ 

C <£mprgntefc at toestmgnstre 

C <@ut legit ementot / pressotem non repte 
Ijcntiat 

C SHgUelmu OTaxton . <Eut tie 9 aita tiatat 

The "Rule of St. Benet" ends on verso of sig. c 4, 

C ©mptgnteti at toestmgwstre &g fcesttgng 
of certepn toorsfjipfull pensones : ♦ 

Remarks. — Little is known of Jehan de Soushavie, or 
Souaube, as a French copy has it. Bibliographers generally 
call him Henry de Suso, probably after the example of Echard, 
in his " Script, ordin. Prsedicat." The English version printed 
by Caxton is correctly described, not as a translation, but as 
" drawen onte of " a book named " Orologium Sapientise." The 
printed text is not equal in extent to one-half of the original. 
Was it this induced Caxton to end the tract with " Qui legit 
emendet, pressorem non reprehendat ? " — a parody of the phrase 
often seen in manuscripts " Qui legit emendet scrijptorem non 
reprehendat." Caxton says of the " Rule of St. Benet," which 
is a translation from the Latin, that he was employed to print 
it " by desire of certain worshipful persons." 

The signatures given by the Printer to these three tracts 
suggest the probability that they were intended to be issued 
separately ; but as in all the known copies they appear bound 
together, and as they have hitherto been described under the 
general head of "Divers Ghostly matters," it has been deemed 
advisable to retain that arrangement. 

Existing Copies. — Cambridge, Durham Cathedral, and 
four in private libraries. 



352 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

No. 92. — The Fifteen Oes, and other Prayers. Quarto. 
"Printed by commandment of the Princess Elizabeth, 
Queen of England, and the Princess Margaret, Mother 
unto our sovereign lord the King, by their most humble 
subject and servant William Caxton." Without Place or 
Date. (149 1?) 

Collation. — a J) are 4 ns ; c is a 3 11 = 22 leaves. 

Typographical Particulars. — There is no title. The 
type is all JSTo. 6. The lines, which are spaced to an even 
length, measure 3 J inches, and there are 21 to a full page. 
Without folios or head-lines. Woodcut initials. A woodcut 
border, in four separate pieces, is placed round each page. 
This border was used later, for an undated but very early 
edition of "Horse," by Wynken de Worde. The wood en- 
graving of the Crucifixion, which appears upon the verso of 
the first leaf, has considerable artistic merit. It appears to 
have been a favourite, having been used at a later period by 
Wynken de Worde in several publications. 

The recto of the first leaf is blank, but the verso is occu- 
pied with the woodcut of the Crucifixion, already noticed. 

Upon the second recto (not signed, unless the signature 
has been cut away in binding) the Text begins with a 5 -line 
initial in wood, — 

^Ijesu entiles stoetnes of 

Oloupng soules / 4B ffjesu 
gostlg iope passing & tx- 
eetipng all glatines anti 
tiestres- <& $ Ijesu fjeltje & 
tenure loiter of al repntfaut sinners tjjat 

and on the verso of e 6, ends thus : — 

C 2Ff)iese pragers tofore torefon fcen en 
priteti fc£ t|e comautiementes of tfje mos 
te fee $z bertuous prpneesse our liege la 
tit C£li?a&etJj fig tfje graee of goti (Qttene 
of <£nglontie $c of jFrattee . & also of tije 



BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 6. 353 

rt'gljt fjpe & most nofilc prgncesse jf&atga 
rete jfcrtier bnto our soueragn lortie tf)e 
fcgng / &c 

C 3Sp tfjetr most IjumWe sufogct antf 
seruattt OTitlitam (Eaxtott 

Remarks. — The fifteen prayers, named from the fact of 
their all commencing with the letter 0, "the fifteen Oes," 
are commonly found in the manuscript Horse of the fifteenth 
century, in their original Latin. They were frequently printed 
both in that language and in English, Caxton's version of the 
latter being possibly the earliest. All these prayers breathe a 
spirit of earnest devotion, and' as an example the following is 
laid before the reader. 

"0 Jhesu heuenly leche haue mynde of thy langour and 
blewnes of thy woudes & sorowe that thou suffredest in the 
heyght of the crosse / when thou were lifte vp fro the erthe / 
that thou were all to torne in all thy limmes / soo that there 
was noo limine abydynge in his right ioynte / soo that noo 
sorowe was like to thyne fro the sole of thy fote to the toppe 
of thy hede there was no hole place / And yet forgetying in 
maner all those greuous paynes / thou preydest deuoutly & 
charitably to thy fader for thine enmyes sayeng thus / Fader 
foryeue it theim / for they wyte not what they done / For this 
blessed charytable mercy that thou shewdest to thyne enmyes. 
and for mynde of thyse bytter paynes / graunte me / that the 
mynde of this bytter passion be to me plenar remyssion & 
foryeuenes of my sinnis Amen / ^T Pater noster Aue 

maria " 

Another prayer commences thus : — 

" blessid Jhesu swetnes of hertes and gostli hony of 
soules. I beseche the for the bytternes of the aysel and galle 
that thou tasted," &c. 

The "Rex Henricus " of the Prayer on c Hi] verso, was 
Saint Henrjr, surnamed the Pious and the Lame. He was son 
of Henry Duke of Bavaria, and was born in the year 972 ; 
crowned King of Germany, at Mentz, in 1002 ; died 14th 
July 1024 ; and was canonised by Pope Eugenius III in 1152. 

z 



354 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

Preceding a printed Latin version of the "Fifteen Oes" 
in the British Museum (C. 23. b. 24), is the following para- 
graph in English : — "These be the . xv. 00s the whyche the 
holy virgyn saint brygitta was wonte to saye dayly before the 
holy rode in saint Paules chyrche at rome : who so saye this 
a holy yere he shall deleuer . xv . soules out of purgatory of 
hys nexte kyndred . and conuerte other . xv . synners to gode 
lyf and other . xv . ryghtuouse men of hys kynde shall per- 
seuer in gode lyfe." 

In Harl. MS. 2255 is a paraphrase of the "Fifteen Oes," 
by John Lydgate, beginning — " blessyd lord my lord, 
Christ Jesu." 

The only Existing Copy known is in the British Museum 
(C. 25. c), and is bound with several tracts printed by Wynken 
de Worde. It is perfect and in good preservation, although a 
good deal cropped in the binding. Measurement, 6| x 5 
inches. Purchased in 185 1. 



No. 93. — The Aet and Ceaft to Know well to Die. 
Folio. Translated by Caxtonin 1490. Without Printer's 
Name, Place, or Date. (149 1 ?) 

Collation. — & a 4 11 ; 13 a 2 n ; then a single leaf impro- 
perly signed IS ttj t which was, probably, followed by a blank. 
Total, thirteen printed leaves. 

Typogeaphical Paeticulaes. — There is no title-page. The 
only type used is No. 6. The lines, which measure 4! inches, 
are spaced to an even length, and there are 31 to a page. 
Without catchwords or folios. Several 2 and 3-line woodcut 
initials are used. 

The Text begins on sig. iH ) recto, 

C H&W fieggnnetlj a Ittgll treatise sfjorte an* aoretigetr spc- 
fcgnge of tije arte $$ craft to fcnotoe bell to t»ge 

mm* J^ijan it v$ soo tfjat tofjat a man mafceti) or fcoetf) / it 

gootie an* toell mate / it muste neties come to gootie 
cut . Cijenne ftp, tetter & tjretter reason / euerg man ougljte to 



BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 6. 355 

The Text ends on a single leaf, signed $5 ttj t 

CJjus entictf) tje ttagttge afcretrgeti of tfje 
arte to Icrne \ncll to ticge / translated oute of 
frensfjc in to englgssfjc . ftp totlim (itaton 
tfje ib . bag of 3faKH / tijc #cre of our lortr a 

ftt utj orim r . 

Remarks. — Manuscripts of this work are usually known as 
" The Art and Craft to live well and die well." This was 
often printed. A Latin edition was issued by Guy Marchand, 
at Paris, in 1483, and French editions by Yerard, at Paris, 
and Colard Mansion, at Bruges. From the latter it seems 
very probable that our Caxton, as he says in the colophon, 
fi abredged " his text. 

An English version of the full work was made early in 
the sixteenth century by Andrew Chertsey, and printed by 
"Wynken de Worde in 1506. 

Copies are in the British Museum, Oxford, and National 
Library, Paris. 

Xo. 94. — The Book of Courtesy. — Quarto. Second Edition. 
" Emprynted atte westmoster." Without Name or Date. 
(1491?) 

Collation. — This little piece probably consisted, like 
Caxton's early editions, of a 4 11 and a 3 11 , making fourteen 
leaves, all printed — a conclusion gathered from the only frag- 
ment known. 

Typographical Particulars. — The fragment, from which 
alone we know that such an edition was printed, consists of 
two quarto pages only, printed upon one side of a half-sheet, 
the other side being blank. One of the pages is signed t)t), 
which, as already seen in " The Rule of St. Benet," was used 
for i) j„ Here then we have the first recto of the outermost 
sheet of the second signature, and, by folding the half-sheet 
with the unprinted part inside, we see directly that the 
opposing page must be the last of that signature, and, in all 
probability, the last of the tract. 

The type is all Xo. 6, but the appearance of the small device, 



356 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

which was probably never used in Caxton's lifetime, points out 
a late date for its execution. 

The last lines, underneath which are the imprint and the 
small device, are as follows : — 

a Cjjraue of tfjressfjers a Egeng of plotters 
a Hassfje of catto a J^astgnes of coote 

C Mm entotf) a Igtgll treatgse called 

tf)e fcoofce of curtesy or Igtgll 3to{m « 

(£nptgntrtr atte toestmogtet* 



The small 

" Tf. a" Dewce 

up-side-doivn. 



As this edition, like the first and second, has three stanzas 
to the page, it would, although in a somewhat smaller type, 
take up the same number of leaves. The early editions had a 
blank leaf at the end, which here we find filled up with the 
curious phrases noticed above. 

The fragment is in the Douce collection at the Bodleian, 
having apparently been rescued from the cover of a book. 
Measurement, 6f x 5 J inches. The reversal of the device, 
and the blank side of the paper, suggest the idea that this 
fragment was a first proof, although, from the numerous 
blunders in most of Caxton's pages, it is difficult to believe 
that corrections were ever made after the matter was once 
set up. 

"No. 95. — The Festial (Liber Festivalis). Folio. Second 
Edition. " Caxton me fieri fecit" Without Place or 
Date. (1491?) 

Collation.— a tctrefg^ tkltttntip are 4 ns , with 
t he first leaf of a blank ; Q has but one printed sheet, or two 
leaves ; 1& a 4" ; % a 3", with device on g 6. In all 136 leaves, 
of which one is blank. 



BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 6. 357 

Typographical Particulars. — There is no title-page. The 
type consists of two sizes, Nos. 6 and 7, the latter being that 
in which Wynken de Worde printed many of his early books. 
The lines are in double column, and measure only 2§ inches. 
They are spaced to an even length, and there are 33 to a 
column. Without folios or catchwords. Plain initials, cut in 
wood, of the depth of 2, 3, or 5 lines are used. There is a 
small rude woodcut on sig. f 6 verso. 

Commencing with a blank leaf, the prologue follows, in 
double column, on sig. a If, the Text beginning — 

C &$* fjetye antr grace of of all tfje fjte fcstis of tlje 

al- II mpgljtg got) tijrugf) tije pere . § || togll & prape tjat 

tosecfjgn || ge of f)ts fclcssetr it to called fcs- 1| ttuall / tfje 

mother sagnt ma || tofjtdje togmetf) at ti)e || 

The Text ends on the fifth verso of sig. S, three-fourths of the 
way down the second column, 

t jje ratjjer fog tfje fjelpe of ijts 
liles || sift motor marg / & 
f)tjs fiolg spoh^ || sesse sagnt 
topggtte/anti all sagn || tes . 

Otaaton me fieri fectt 

The next recto is a blank page, the verso having the large 
device. 

Kemarks. — From the use of No. 7 type, which was Wynken 
de Worde's, it is very probable that this book was printed by 
him immediately after his master's death. This edition too is 
not an exact reprint of Caxton's, issued in 1483. Every 
Festival has the prefix " Gode men and wymmen," or " Good 
frendis," and every tale is preceded by the word "Narracio." 
Several stories not in the first edition have been added, while 
the Pardon of Corpus Christi, in Latin and English, which 
follows Trinity Sunday in first edition, is here entirely omitted. 

Copies are in the British Museum, Cambridge, Oxford ; and 
three in private libraries. 



35§ WILLIAM CAXTON. 

No. 96. — Four Sermons. Folio. Second Edition. Sine ulld 
notd. (149 1 1) 

Collation. — E $3 (ft are 4 ns ; ji is a 5 n = 34 leaves. 

Typographical Particulars. — There is no title. The type 
is all No. 6. In double column. The lines measure 2J inches, 
being a very little shorter than the " Festial," and are spaced 
to an even length. ^^ lines to a column. Without folios or 
catchwords. 

The Text begins on sig. <H ). with a 3 -line woodcut 
initial : — 

Jge magster of sentence semgnotonesoule*negours/ 

*5pn tije second fcofce 4 anti g|| purpose me fig fits leue 

tfje fgrst fcgstgnctton / fjoomlg || tijus to sfjeto it ant* 

sa^ 1 ptf) tf)at tj)e soueragn refce it to gou || in tj)e fiofce / 

cause / toiji || gotr mafte all for to gour lerngnge || it is as 

creatures in ijeuen || gootr tfjus as togtijout || 

The Text ends half-way down the second column of the 
ninth verso of sig. IB, with the collect "Absolve quesumus," 
the last three lines being — 

gloria inter sanctos et electos 
tuos ressussitati respirent/ 
^er || xpm timn nostrum 
Emen / 1| 

On the recto of the tenth leaf is the device of Caxton, the 
verso being blank. 

For Eemarks, see the first edition, page 264. 

Copies are in the British Museum, Cambridge, and three 
private libraries. 

No. 97. — Ars moriendi; that is to say, the Craft for to 
die for the health of Man's Soul. Quarto. Without 
Printer's Name, Date, or Place. (1491 ?) 

Collation. — & a 4 n = 8 leaves, all printed. 

Typographical Particulars. — No title-page. The type 
of the text is No. 6, but the four lines of heading at the 
beginning, and some head-lines at the end, are in Wynken 



BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 6. 359 

de Worde's No. i type. The lines are spaced very evenly, 
except on four pages at the end, and there are 24 to a page. 
Woodcut initials to chapters. Without folios or catchwords. 
With the exception of the use of Wynken de Worde's type, 
this tract agrees in all particulars with No. 83, " The 
Gou vernal of Helthe." 

The Text begins on sig. £i j recto, 

C Hhtxz fieggnnet?) a Iptgll treatise scfjortelg 
compglrti anfi called ars mortenui / tjat ts 
to sape fyt craft for to tiege for tf)e fjeltfje of 
mannes sotole . 

^^ts most* twessarge to fjaue a specgall 

The tract ends on H 8 verso, with a full page : — 

dFor sud)ertcji)tt)ere atatstte or ont trtfiulacott 
Co tfjat gf cjtrcfje tecijetj) & put ful ctrtrulgte . 

Cijat goti ijatf) prngseft trust it bell tottljou 
Mallacgon . 

gn Ijope afjjpfcgng j)t<3 retoarb atrtr eulastgng 
glorte . &mm (fl-ipltctt . 

Remarks. — This short tract appears to be a translation 
from the Latin, and doubtless by Caxton himself. No other 
copy, however, manuscript or printed, in Latin or any other 
language, appears to be known. 

This unique specimen is in the middle of a volume of black- 
letter tracts in the Bodleian Library. 

No. 98. — The Chastising of God's Children. Folio. Sine 
ulld notd. (1491 ?) 

Collation. — An unsigned sheet (two leaves), containing 
table and prologue ; & 23 <& M <& jf <^ are 3 ns ; gg a 2 n . In 
all 48 leaves, and no blanks. 

Typographical Particulars. — In this book we meet 
with the first approach to a title-page, which consists of a 



360 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

3-line paragraph printed in the centre of the first recto. The 
types are No. 6 for the Text, No. 7 being found on the first 
page only. Double column — the lines measuring 2§ inches, 
and being fully spaced out. 36 lines to a column. Without 
folio or catchwords. Initials in wood 3 and 4 lines deep. 

The Text begins with the following 3 lines in the centre of 
the first recto, 

C ®§t prouffgtafcle fcofce for manes soule/&nft ttg^t 
comfort || tafile to tfje fia&g / an)} specgallg in atmersttee & 
trgfculacgon / tofjtdje || fcofce is called W$z <Ef)astgsing of 
gotftes GMjgr&ero 

On the verso, with a floriated 4-line initial, and in double 
column, the first two lines being in type No. 7, 

»_ 1 iH trrette of almigt- &¥ 'causes ronstoeret* . ant» 

tg || go* Skelgggous mang || otjer sfcglfullg ♦ 3J 

•iff* sus- II trr a sijort mag tirrtc to tori I! te of tfjts 

^■Si pistle $ sen II ** cfjastgsing But asfcgng || 

gou of tje mater of II temp- fjeipe of go* almggfjtg/fcg 

tacons / tofttcfje pgstle as tofjoos || migfjt tlje asse Ijati 

me || specie to tfje pro || 

The Text ends on the recto of sig. $jft 4, with the verso 
blank, 

not fcenge to tfje alone tfjat to ful $o$t & filtsse / Jloto 

pragest || fjer soo ieselg/Set gotr gra||unt tijat tt mggfjte 

ouer all tjjts II tofjan tijou art so fie . tfiat euer II is lasting 

fjartfe temptett . an* || in Crtngte / 



Kemarks. — The use of a title-page, a practice unknown 
to Caxton, the appearance of type No. 7, and the adoption of 
signatures having three sheets only — all point to Wynken de 
Worde, rather than to Caxton, as the printer of this book, 
which was probably executed about 1491. The original writer 
of the work is unknown, and there seems but little reason for 
attributing its composition to Caxton, as some writers have done. 



BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 6. 361 

Existing Copies. — British Museum ; Cambridge, University 
Library (2) ; Pepysian, and Sydney Sussex College ; Hunterian, 
Glasgow ; Lincoln Cathedral \ Sion College, London \ Gottingen 
University ; and three copies in private hands. 



No. 99. — A Treatise of Love. Folio. Translated in 1493. ■ 
Without Printer's Name, Place, or Date. (1493 ?) 

Collation.— E $3 <& B <& JF (^ ?& are all 3 ns = 48 leaves, 
all printed. 

Typographical Particulars. — Without title. The type is 
No. 6 for the Text, but on the first page is a line in type No. 
7, the first of Wynken de Worde's founts. The whole is in 
double column. 

The Text begins on sig. £1 \ recto, 

C &W txttyst is of loue 
anti spe || fc^tfj of Hi] of tfje 
most special! lo || ugs tfjat 

&en in tfje toorltie anfi sfje 

* * * * •* 

tof)td)£ tretgse toas 
translate out of fxttisfyt 
gnto <m^ || Ql^Se / tfje #ere 
of our lotfc J£l cccc || Irrau j / 
fig a persone tfjat is bnper || 
ugf)t tnsudje toerfce tofjerfor 
fjc f)u||fclgipsed)etf)elerngfc 
refers togtf) ||pacgcns to cor- 
rect* it toijere tfeg [| fpnfie 
nctie, En* tfjej) & alle otijer || 
refers of tfjetr djargte to 
prag for |] tfje soule of tfje 
sag&e translatour || 

The Text ends on the second column of the sixth recto of 



362 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

&S£f)td)e fcofce toas lateljp 
transla^ || teti outcof frcnsf) 
in to engltssfje || fig a i^tg^t 
bell tipsposetr persone / 1| for 
fig cause tfje sag* persone 
tljoug || j)te if necessarg to al 
teuoute pcple || to re*e / or to 
fjere it retire / &n* also || 
cause* tfje sag* fiofce to fie 
enprgtt' || te* / 

Underneath, this is the small device. The reverse is blank. 

Remarks. — This is evidently an issue from the press of 
"Wynken de TTorde, whose earliest type is seen in the first 
page, and who was accustomed to make up his books in 3 ns 
instead of 4 ns , as was the plan during Caxton's life. The 
tract does not appear to have been translated till 1493, and 
may have gone to press the succeeding year : now Caxton 
died in 1491. The non-occurrence of the small device in any 
other book attributed to Caxton is another reason for sup- 
posing it to be in reality the workmanship of Wynken de 
Worde, who frequently used this shaped' device in his early 
publications. At a later period he added his own name to the 
design. 

Although not the work of Caxton, " A Treatise of Love " 
has been included in this chapter, because "A List of Books 
printed in Type No. 6 " would be imperfect without it. 

Copies are in the University Library, Sydney Sussex College, 
and Pepysian Library, Cambridge; in Lincoln Cathedral Lib- 
rary; the Hunterian Museum, Glasgow; University Library, 
Gbttingen ; and two in private libraries. 



Plate XIV. 

From Caxton's " Order of Chivalry." Type 4* 

IT jga* ate fofotB#& tty mate 
ana knout of tfjts CitD'#oohe + 
2to t{e^rft rfjap^kt (aid) fott 
tf* 300D ©rampk kt#fc& to tfc 
€fqu|>ec tfc Eufe * osDtc of cf# 
uafcpe 

Cottfop tf?r;$a8 

wjtotyc§i< fiasco ffrtf 
Itogfe 6ngg$< ibt)icfe 

H5c otow of C^ttflPtg* 
3tno fyieBg^c fta* 
Laf^k. € noefeflfc of 0ie> &$» 
*<s> (^oowage anty Jbpf«oo»j 

attty m auentiuvimg §t© foog fao magnftr* 
nefc lbawcs 3nfo» g frtnopce/g tn mang 
6»6»i0Pc6 fao Ijao ma«2 notffe %cft>Kge© g 
gfetiotte/g 6g aiufc Or felte « t^owjt nj $ie 
cotage jT fe mp?< nof 8>ng Cgwc/a© (fe Jtoflicfl 
6p fcng fgmt fao fetj 6g cent* of tiafciw 
nggDe tfaio §ie wee/ efrme fc fy?* 9 aj) fr* 

«3«/ 2tnt>2 ifrofc no polb« iw fcrtu *> %• 




Plate XV. 

Woodcuts from Caxtoris "Speculum vita Christi" 





±^e^l sm^' 





> 



I 
I 



Plate XVII. 
WOODCUT INITIALS FROM CAXTON'S BOOKS. 







XX 




© B 





« 



ftE a u 3E m 





Plat© XVIII. 
CAXTON'S DEVICE. 



s 



TQnfrav^qnn^mrc 



A.iu.lll.A/iilll.i.iim.lll.llUJ.lJ.lim 1 



m®®®® m ^ 



vJsvJ&j: 



LIST OF BOOKS 



NOT PRINTED BY 



WILLIAM CAXTON, 



BUT HAVING SOME 



CONNECTION WITH HIS TYPES; 



ALSO OF 



DOUBTFUL WORKS, 



BOOKS ERRONEOUSLY ASCRIBED TO HIS PRESS. 



POSTHUMOUS AM) DOUBTFUL WORKS. 



Xo. ioo. — The Life of Saint Katherine. — The Revela- 
tions of Saint Elizabeth of Hungary. Folio. Sine 
ulldnotd. (1493?) 

Collation.— a is a 4 n ; t C fi t f % t U lit tt p are 

3 ns ; (| is a 2 11 . Total 96 leaves, all printed. 

Typographical Particulars. — There is no title-page. The 
type for some of the headings is Xo. 7, the same as that 
already noticed in " Chastising " and "Festial;" but the type 
for the body of the work is a partial re-casting of No. 4*, 
with many new additions, and on a rather smaller body, 
being evidently a different fount from any known to have 
been used by Caxton. The pages are in double column, and 
have 43 and 44 lines to a page. Full lines measure 2§ inches. 
Without folios or catchwords. On the last leaf is the large 
Device. 

This book, like some already mentioned, was in all proba- 
bility the workmanship of Wynken de Worde, shortly after 
Caxton's death. This opinion is borne out by the types used, 
by the signatures being in 3 ns instead of 4 ns ; by very long 
pages, and by wood initials, identical with those used in the 
early books of Wynken de Worde. 



Xo. 1 01. — The Golden Legend. Third Edition. Folio. 
"Fynysshed at westmestre . . The year of our lord 
M CCCC Ixxxxiij / . . f[ By me wyllyam Caxton." 

Collation. — Table and prologue a 2 n ; a fo C tf Z are 4 ns ; 
jf a single sheet ;fsf)tfclmnopqr0tbX2>?#9are 



366 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

4 ns ; Z a 2 n , signed to Z ttf ; & IS <& 23 <fc dF <£ $? S it £ 
« Ji © 1 © m S & 5a X Wt are 4 ns ■ aa U CZ to <* are 

4 ns ; ff a 3 11 , signed to ff tttf ; and gg a 2 n , signed to gg uj» 
Total 436 leaves, all printed. 

Typographical Particulars. — Without title-page. The 
types are No. 7, and the re-casting of type No. 4*, noticed in 
the preceding work, which fount is only known to have been 
used for these two books. The work is in double column, and 
the lines, of which there are 44 to a column, measure 2 J inches. 
Without folios or catchwords. Many woodcuts and woodcut 
initials. 

CaXton died two years before the date of printing. 



No. 102. — The Siege of Khodes. Folio. Sine ulld notd. 

Collation. — Four unsigned 3 ns , or 24 leaves all printed. 

Typographical Particulars. — Without title of any 
sort. The type is very rude and uneven, being a different 
fount to that used for the " St. Katherine " and " Golden 
Legend" just noticed. Some of the letters are the same as 
Caxton's No. 4*, but many rude additions have been made. 
There is a space between each line, probably made by the use 
of "regrets," the unevenness of which is very apparent. The 
lines are spaced to an even length, and there are 26 to a page, 
except the first and second, which have, respectively, 30 and 
31. They measure in length 4 J inches, the depth of 26 lines 
varying from 7 to 7 J inches. Without signatures, folios, catch- 
words, or printed initials. 



No. IO3. MlSSALE AD USUM SaRUM. EXARATUM PARISIUS 

IMPENSA OPTIMI VIRI GuiLLERMI CaXTON. Folio. Paris, 

4th Dec, 1487. 

The type is the usual church text used for service books. 
In double columns, with head-lines. 

As connected with Caxton, the whole of the interest centres 
in the colophon. 



POSTHUMOUS AND DOUBTFUL WORKS. 367 

JEtssale ato bsum Sat' cun 
etttenetts tret tiono / magno 
eonamme elaboration finis 
feltctter . <&iaratum ^artsi 9 
tmpensa opttmt biri (&uiU 
lermt (taton . &rte bero et 
intmstria iHagistrt ©taller 
mi iffilagttpai ♦ &nno Domini 

M ♦ orafarar . ixxxbtt . mj Be 

canfcrtg. 

This is on the recto of the last leaf, and upon the verso 
is Caxton's large device. 

Remakes. — Passing by the great interest which this missal 
has in being five years earlier in date than the celebrated 
Rouen edition, dated October 1st, 1492, hitherto considered 
as the eclitio princeps, we have to elucidate it in relation to 
Caxton. 

It has not, until the discovery of this volume, been sup- 
posed that Caxton employed foreign printers to help him, 
although it is well known that his successors did so. In this 
case he used the services of a printer at Paris, whose name 
very seldom appears in typographical annals. Little is known 
of William Maynyal, who is erroneously called, by Panzer, 
George. In 1480, working in conjunction with Ulric Gering, 
the first printer at Paris, he produced " Speculum aureum," 
as well as " Summa de virtutibus cardinalibus," both in Roman 
types. Afterwards, he worked alone. In 1487, Caxton, not 
having appropriate types of his own, sent instructions to 
Maynyal, of Paris, to print for him the Salisbury Missal. 
The commission was executed, and Caxton, desirous of asso- 
ciating his press more directly with this issue than by the 
colophon only, which many people might overlook, probably 
designed his "mark "for the purpose of attracting attention. 
It is certainly the earliest date at which it has yet been found ; 
and the state of the block, which has fewer breakages than 
any other known example, confirms the priority of this in a 
most interesting manner. Since 1484 Caxton had not used 



368 WILLIAM CAXTON. 

woodcuts; but just at this time, 1487, he appears to have 
found some one for the purpose, and the "Royal Book" and 
the "Speculum" appeared with numerous cuts. The same 
artist was probably employed to design and engrave the new 
"trade mark." 

The only known copy is in the possession of W. J. Legh, 
Esq., M.P., and was first made known in the Athenceum, 
March 21st. 1874. 



Bartholomeus de proprietatibus rerum. 

This work is supposed to have been printed by Caxton, at 
Cologne, on the strength of a statement by Wynken de Worde. 
As, however, this printer has perpetrated the most curious 
contradictions and mis-statements in many of his prologues 
and colophons, it seems more than probable that he blundered 
here also, as no connection whatever can be traced between 
the typographical customs of Caxton and those of the Cologne 
school ; nor does any copy of " Bartholomeus " exist which can, 
with any show of reason, be attributed to Caxton's press. 

For further remarks on this subject, see page 64. 



The Metamorphoses of Ovid. 



In the Pepysian library, Cambridge (2124) is an English 
manuscript of the fifteenth century, not improbably Caxton's 
autograph, and consisting of the Tenth, Eleventh, Twelfth, 
Thirteenth, Fourteenth, and Fifteenth Books of Ovid's Meta- 
morphoses. Each book in the manuscript begins with a red- 
ink title, the first being : — 

" Here folio weth the || xth booke of Ouyde || wherof the 
first fa || ble is of the mari || age of Orpheus || and Erudice his 
lo || ue . Cap p'm°." 

For an imitation of this paragraph see Dibdin's Typ. Ant, 






POSTHUMOUS AND DOUBTFUL WORKS. 369 

vol. i, page 14. At the end of the volume is the following 
colophon : — 

"Translated and fynysshed by me William Caxton at TTest- 
mestre the xxij day of Apryll / the yere of our lord m . iiij c 
iiij** And the xx yere of the Regne of kyng Edward the 
fourth." 

Xow Caxton, from what we know of his disposition, would 
never have begun a translation in the middle of a book. He 
therefore, no doubt, translated the former nine books also. 
But all Caxton's translations, and especially in the busy time 
of 1480, were made for the press. There seems, therefore, 
good reason to believe that the Metamorphoses were printed 
also by Caxton, although unfortunately no fragment of such 
a work is at present known. 

It seems not unlikely that the Pepysian MS. is in Caxton's 
OAvn autograph. 



The Life and Miracles of Robert Earl of Oxford. 

In the preface to "The Four Sons of Aymon," Caxton 
says, " Therefore late at the request and commandment of the 
right noble and virtuous Earl, John, Earl of Oxford, my good 
singular and especial lord I reduced and translated out of 
French into our maternal and English tongue the life of one 
of his predecessors named Robert Earl of Oxford tofore said, 
with divers and many great miracles which god showed for 
him as well in his life as after his death as is showed all alon^ 
in his said book." 

Having translated this Life, it is not improbable that Caxton 
also printed it. 



A Ballad. 

" The small fragment of an unknown work," preserved among 
some old ballads in the British Museum (643. m.) and de- 



37° 



WILLIAM CAXTON. 



scribed by Sir Henry Ellis, and Dr. Dibdin in Typ. Ant., vol. i, 
page 359, is a portion of the " Cook's Tale," from Caxton's first 
edition of Chaucer's "Canterbury Tales." 



Several works, such as "Statuta" (probably Machlinia's), 
" Lyndewode's Constitutiones," " The Lucidary," " An 
Accidence," and others, have been by various writers in- 
cluded among the books issued by Caxton, but in all cases 
erroneous!}^. 




THE COMPARATIVE RARITY OF BOOKS PRINTED 
BY CAXTON, 

SHOWING THE NUMBER OF COPIES OF EACH WORK 
KNOWN TO EXIST. 



Quanta fuisti si tanta sunt Reliquia. 



No. of 
Copies 
known. 

Brass, Temple of . . frag. 

Book of Courtesy, 2nd edit. . frag. 
Directorium Sacerdotum, 4to. frag. 

Horae, 1st edition . . -frag. 

Ditto, 2nd ditto . . frag. 

Ditto, 3rd ditto . • . frag. 

Indulgence — Sixtus IV . frag. 



Anelida and Arcyte. 
Ars moriendi 
Aymon, Four Sons of 
Blanchardin and Eglantine . 
Book of Courtesy, 1st edition . 
Catho, Parvus et Magnus, 1st 

edition, 4to 
Ditto, ditto, 2nd edition, 4to 
Charles the Great . 
Chorle and the Bird, 1st edit. 

Ditto ditto 2nd ditto 
Commemoracio beatae Marise 
Death-Bed Prayers 
Directorium Sacerdotum, folio, 
1st edition 

Ditto ditto ditto 2nd ditto 
Fifteen Oes .... 
Glass, Temple of . 
Horse, Sheep, and Goose, 1st edit. 

Ditto ditto 2nd ditto 

Image of Pity 
Infancia Salvatoris . 
Indulgence— Sixtus IV 



No. of 
Copies 
known. 

Another, different . 
Meditacions sur les sept Pseaulmes 
Paris and Vienne 
Psalterium .... 
Quatre derrennieres Choses 
Reynard the Fox, 2nd edition 
Stans Puer .... 
Servitium de Transfiguratione 
Sex Litterae .... 
Visitatio Marise Virginis . 

Advertisement, An . . .2 

Arthur, Life of King . . 2 

Catho, Parvus et Magnus, folio, 

3rd edition 
Curial, The . 
Gouvernal of Health 
Indulgence, 1 48 1 
Propositio Johannis Pussell 
Saona, Gul. de 



^Esop, Fables of . 

Art and Craft .... 

Curia Sapientise 

Dictes and Sayings, 2nd edition 

Good Manners, Book of 

Jason, Les fais du . 

Moral Proverbs . 

Saint Winifred, Life of 

Book of Fame . . . .4 
Chivalry, Order of . . 4 



,72 



WILLIAM CAXTON. 



Festial, The, ist edition 
Rhodes, Siege of 
Statutes of Henry VII 
Troilus and Creside . 
Vocabulary- 
Golden Legend, 2nd edition 
Pilgrimage of the Soul 
Four Sermons, 2nd edition 
Reynard the Fox, ist edition 

Divers Ghostly Matters . 
Festial, The, 2nd edition 
Jason, The Life of . 
Knight of the Tower . 
Recueil, Le 



No. of 
Copies 
known. 

' 4 
4 
4 

• 4 

• 4 

• 5 

5 

• 5 
5 

6 
6 
6 

6 
6 



Chronicles of England, 2nd edit. 7 

Dictes and Sayings, 3rd edition 7 

Life of our Lady ... 8 

Royal Book .... 8 
Treatise of Love . . .8 

Canterbury Tales, ist edition. 9 

Ditto 2nd ditto . 9 

Doctrinal of Sapience . . 9 

Four Sermons, ist edition . 9 



, Game and Play of, ist ed. 10 



Cordial 

Golden Legend, 3rd edition 

Katherine, Life of St. 

Godfrey of Boloyn 
Speculum Vitae Christi 



No. of 
Copies 
known. 

IO 

10 

. IO 

II 
. II 



Caton . . . . .12 
Chastising of God's Children 12 
Chess, Game and Play of, 2nd edit. 12 
Chronicles of England, 1 480 . 12 
Description of Britain . . 12 
Mirrour of the World, 2nd edit. 12 

Dictes and Sayings, ist edition 13 

Mirrour of the World, 1st edit. 15 

Boethius . . . . .16 

Confessio Amantis . . 17 

Eneydos . . . .18 

Recuyell, The . . . .20 

Fayts of Arms . . .21 

Tully of Old Age, &c. . . 22 

Polycronicon . . . .30 

Golden Legend, 1st edition . 31 



The reader who examines this list may well be astonished 
at the number here given of unique Caxtons. Out of 102 works 
above enumerated, no less than 38 are known to us by single 
copies, or by fragments only. The fact is almost incredible 
even to those most conversant with the rarities of the West- 
minster Press ; and the question naturally arises — If about 
one-third of Caxton's issue has been nearly destroyed, how 
numerous may have been the editions of which we shall never 
learn the existence? A glance at the titles of the uniques 



RARITY OF BOOKS PRINTED BY CAXTON. 373 

will show that the books most liable to destruction, probably 
owing in part to their being much used, and in part to the 
destructiveness of religious sectarianism, are those, directly or 
indirectly, of an ecclesiastical character — such as " Horse," 
"Psalters," " Meditacions," &c. School-books also, such as 
the "Stans Puer," "Catho," &c, are always difficult of pre- 
servation. On the other hand, there seems no especial reason 
for the almost total destruction of such works as the romances 
of "King Arthur," "The Pour Sons of Aymon," "Blanch- 
ardin," " Charles the Great," the second edition of " Reynard," 
or the various short poems in quarto. 

The greatest number of copies ever brought together is 
83, being the number now in the British Museum; but of 
these 25 are duplicates, leaving the number of works 58, of 
which three are mere fragments. The Caxtons in Earl 
Spencer's Library, although numerically less than those of the 
^National Library, make nevertheless a more complete collec- 
tion, and embrace 57 separate works. Other Libraries come 
far behind these two. The Public Library, Cambridge, has 
42 separate works, a total considerably augmented by the 
numerous unique pieces of poetry in quarto. The Bodleian 
has 34 separate works, and the Duke of Devonshire 25. 



INDEX. 



Abbey, Meaning of word ... 73 
Adventurers {See Merchant 

Adventurers) 
Advertisement printed by 

Caxton 72, 239 

iEneid by Virgil 347 

iEsop, The Fables of, printed 

by Caxton ... 48,91,287 

Aforge, Daniel ... ... 86 

Ailly, Cardinal Pierre d' ... 228 

Alburgh, John ... ... 150 

Alcock, Bishop ... ... 181 

Aldus, Pius Romanus ... 106 
Alf onse, The Fables of, printed 

by Caxton ... ... 287 

Almonry, The, Its position, 

&c ... 73. 74, 75> 79 

Alphage, St., Parish of ... 4 

Ambassadors at Bruges ... 27 
Ames, Joseph, Note on Cax- 

ton's death ... ... 85 

Amman, Jost .. . ... ... 104 

Anderson's History of Com- 
merce ... ... ... 26 

Anelida, Queen, and False 
Arcyte, printed by Cax- 
ton 212 

Anne, St., Chapel of 73, 74 

Apprentices, Entry and Issues 

of 6 

Apprentices, Duties of ... 8 

Apprentices and Executors ... 14 

Apprentices, Oath of .. . ... 145 

Apprenticeship of Caxton ... 5 



PAGE 

Arbre de, Batailles 337 

Arcyte, Queen Anelida, and 

False, printed by Caxton 212 
Ars moriendi, printed by Cax- 
ton 358 

Art, The, and Craft to know- 
well to Die, printed by 

Caxton 346,354 

Arthur, The Noble Histories 
of King, and of certain 
of his Knights, printed 
by Caxton ... ... 304 

Arundel, Earl of, his Device... 81 
Ascensius Jodocus Badius ... 128 
Assumption, Guild of Lady of 77 
Atkyns, Richard, Origin and 

Growth of Printing ... 90 
Aubert, David (a Scribe) 35, 187 
Avian, The Fables of, printed 

by Caxton ... ... 287 

Ayenbit of In wit, The ... 324 

Aymon, The four Sons of, 

printed by Caxton ... 343 

Bagford, John ... •• «75j 9 1 

Baker, John ... ... ... 150 

Bakker, Jenyne ... ... 149 

Ballads, Some, printed by Cax- 
ton 211 

Ballad, A 369 

Ballard, Mr., of Cambden ... 85 
Balls, Inking ... ... ... 124 

Bartholomeus de Proprietati- 

bus 55, 64, 65, 340, 368 
Bath Cathedral 284 



376 



INDEX. 



Bavaria, Henry, Duke of 


PAGE 

353 


Bayntun, W. ... 


321 


Beauvais, Vincent de 226 


227 


Bedford, Duke of ... • ••34> 36 


Bedford Library 


255 


Bedfordshire General Library 


324 


Bedleem Hospital,\Bequest to, 




by Large 


10 


Belet 


282 


Benet College Library 


220 


Bernard, M. A. ... 106 


109 


Bernard, M. A., Opinion on 




Colard Mansion ... 


62 


Berners Juliana 


338 


Betts, Edward 


151 


Bequests, Various, of Large 


10 


Bible, The Mazarine ... 


45 


Bibles and Psalters, First . . . 


43 


Bibles not in demand in Fif- 




teenth Century ... 


83 


Bird, the Chorle and the, 




printed by Caxton 209 


210 


Blanchardin and Eglantine, 




The History of, printed 




by Caxton 


342 


Blanche, Queen of France ... 


326 


Blandford, Marquis of 


19S 


Blois, Library of 


36 


Boat Hire 


19 


Bocace, Fall of Princes 


347 


Boethius de Consolatione 




Philosophise, translated 




into English by Geoffrey 




Chaucer, printed by Cax- 




ton 


215 


Boke of Noblesse, The 


336 


Bolomyer, Henry 


307 


Boloyne, The History of 




Godfrey of, printed by 




Caxton 


252 


Bomsted, Henry 


20 


Bonet, Honore* 


337 


Bonifaunt, Rich ... 10, 


147 


Bowyer, William 


109 


Bookbinder described ; 


130 



PAGE 

Bookbinding ... ... ... 95 

Book of Courtesy, The 1st 
Edition, printed by Cax- 
ton ... ... ... 211 

Second Edition ... 355 
Book of Good Manners, 

printed by Caxton 8 1, 315 

Book, A, of Divers Ghostly 
Matters, printed by Cax- 
ton ... ... ... 350 

Book of Fame, The, printed 

by Caxton ... ... 292 

Book, The, which the Knight 
of the Tower made to the 
" enseygnement " and 
teaching of his daughters, 
printed by Caxton ... 273 

Books, Covers of ... ... 215 

Books not printed by Caxton 
but having some connec- 
tion with his types, &c. 363 
Books, Passion for, in Europe 36 

Botfield, Mr 306 

Bouillon, Godefroy de ... 253 

Bradshaw, H, of Cambridge 

55, 192, 295 

Brand, John 198 

Bretaylles, Louis de ... ... 190 

Brice, Hugh 228 

Bristol 350 

Brito, Jean ... ... ... 38 

Broad, St. Ward 75 

Brown, J. ... ... ... 151 

Browne, Willis (Mit. Abb.)... 223 

Bruges 13, 15, 27, 37, 

38, 57, 81, 150 
Bruges, City of, Caxton, a 

Merchant at 15, 17 

Bruges, Ducal Library of ... 214 
Bruges, Guild of St. John the 

Evangelist 37 

Bruges, Records of ... 158-160 

Brute, Chronicle of 89 

Bryant, Mr 327 

Bryce, H 82 



INDEX. 



\77 



Bryce, T 

Bullen, Mr 

Burdeux, John de 
Burchiello, Portrait of 



PAGE 
244 

91 



Burgh, Richard 16, 17, 148, 

204, 205, 279 
Burgund} 7 , Duke of 15, 16, 24, 

V, 34, 38; 58 
Burgundy (Philip the Good)... 38 
Burial Fees for Wm. Caxton... 79 
Campbell, M. F. A. G. ... 330 

Canterbury Tales, 1st Edition, 

printed by Caxton ... 193 

Canterbury Tales, 2nd Edi- 
tion, printed by Caxton... 290 
Caradoc, Prince ... ... 304 

Carmen de Vere ... ... 271 

Caslon, W. ... ... 105, 108 

Castel, Etienne ... ... 193 

Catchwords ... ... ... 133 

Catho Magnus, printed by 

Caxton, 1st Edition 202, 204 
Catho Magnus, printed by 

Caxton 204, 205 

Caton, printed by Caxton ... 277 
Cattlyn, Richard and John ... 224 
Caustons, Manor of ... ... 3 

Causton, Michael de ; Henry 

de ; Nichol de ; Richard 

de ; Theobald de ; Roger 

de ; William de ; Stevyn 147 

Cauxton and Causton, a form 

of Caxton ... ... 3 

Cawston, Johannes, Will of . . . 3 
Cawston, Oliver ... ... 161 

Caxston, W. ... ... ... 148 

Caxton, Elizabeth (daughter 

of Caxton) ... ... 30 

Caxton, Elizabeth : Deed of 

Separation ... ... 166 

Caxton, John ... ... ... 4 

Caxton, Maude ... ... 81 

Caxton, Pedigree, 4 ; his 
Patrons, 29 ; his know- 
ledge of Printing, de- 



rived from Colard Man- 
sion, and not at Cologne, 
49 to 68 ; Settles at 
Westminster, 70 ; Ex- 
tracts from Works, show- 
ing a connection between 
his own name and a lo- 
cality, 70 ; his Daughter, 
75 ; Patronised by 
Edward IV., 80; Re- 
ceives a Payment from 
Edward IV., 80 ; List of 
Works, 82 ; Classifica- 
tion of Works, 82 ; 
Time taken for Trans- 
lation of Works, 83 ; 
Death and Burial, 85 ; 
his Property at Death, 
85; his Will, 86] his 
Literary Attainments, 
87 to 90 ; a Linguist, 88 ; 
Portraits of, 90 ; Anec- 
dotes in Appendix to 
iEsop's Fables, 91 ; his 
Character, 92 ; a Master 
Printer, 93 to 142 ; his 
Printing Office and 
Workmen, 93 ; his Types, 
103 ; his large Device, 
137 ; Price of his Books, 
141 ; Judgment by, 158 ; 
Payment by the King, 
160; Burial Fees, 161 ; 
Auditor of Parish Ac- 
counts, 161 ; Chess Book, 
Interpolation of ... 
Caxton, William (not the 

Printer), 81 ; Burial 
Censuria literaria 
Charles, King of France 
Charles the Bold succeeds 

Philip the Good ... 
Charles the Great (Prologue) 
Charles the Great, the Life 
of the Noble and 



:74 

4 

:97 
33 

24 
S3 



378 



INDEX. 



Christian Prince, printed 

by Caxton ... ... 306 

Charron, The Jesuit ... ... 310 

Charters, Mercers and Mer- 
chant Adventurers . . . 1 8-2 1 

Chartier, Alain 297 

Chases... ... ... ... 123 

Chastising, The, of God's 
Children, printed by Cax- 
ton 359 

Chato, et Parvus Magnus, 
1st Edition, printed by 
Caxton, 202 ; 2nd Edition, 
205 ; 3rd Edition ... 224 

Chaucer, Geoffrey, 89, 294 ; 
Envoi of, to Skogan, 
printed by Caxton ... 211 

Chaucer, Geoffrey, Canter- 
bury Tales, 1st Edition, 
193; 2nd Edition, 290; 
Boethius de Consola- 
cione Philosophise, 
printed by Caxton ... 213 

Chaucer, The complaint of, 
to his purse, printed by 
Caxton ... ... ... 212 

Chertsey, Andrew ... ... 355 

Chess Book, The 56, 59, 61, 

68, 80, in, 289 

Chess, Game and Play of, 
1st Edition, printed by 
Caxton 23, 173 

Chess, The Game and Play 
of the, 2nd Edition, 
printed by Caxton ... 232 

Chivalry, The Order of, 

printed by Caxton ... 289 

Chobham, Eleanor, her pen- 
ance ... ... ... 13 

Chorle, The, and the Bird, 

printed by Caxton 209, 210 

Chronicles of j England, The, 
1st Edition, printed by 
Caxton ... ... ... 247 

2nd Edition 255 



Chronicle of King Alfred 
Chronicle of Brute 
Churche, Daniel 
Clarence, Duke of 



PAGE 

104 
248 
204 
173 



Cloth, English, excluded by 

Duke of Burgundy ...16, 23 
Coburger, Nuremberg, prin- 
ter 239 

Colard Mansion, See Mansion 
Cologne ... ... ... 62 

Colonna ^Egidius ... ... 174 

Commission issued, 1464, for 
renewal of Treaty of 

Trade 22 

Complaint, The, of Chaucer 
to his purse, printed by 
Caxton ... ... ... 212 

Commemoratio Lamenta- 

tionis sive compassionis 
Beatse Marise in morte 
filii, printed by Caxton ... 329 
Composing- Stick ... 122, 124 
Compositor, The, described ... 121 
Confessio Amantis, printed 

by Caxton 271 

Congregational Library ... 331 
Connection between Caxton 

and Colard Mansion ... 64 
Copehagen, Royal Library ... 316 
Copland, P., 344 ; one of 

Caxton's workmen ... 70 

Copland, W 94, 345 

Corpus Christi College ... 220 
Cordyale, or the Eour Last 
Things, printed by Cax- 
ton 216 

Court of Sapience, printed by 

Caxton ... ... ... 250 

Courtesy, Book of, printed 

by Caxton ... 21 1, 355 

Cowper, Mr 331 

Craes, W 16 

Creveceur, Seigneur de ... 50 

Crede Mihi, Tractatus, printed 

by Caxton ... 319, 345 



INDEX. 



379 



Croppe, Gerard 
Crosse, John ... 
Cristyne of Pisan — Moral 

Proverbs ... ... 194, 

Cura Sapentiae ; or the Court 

of Sapience, printed by 

Caxton ... 

Curial, The 

D'Ailly, Pierre, Cardinal 

D' Angers, Guy 

Dares Phrygius 

Daubeney, William ... 

Daunnou, M. ... 

Day, John, Printer ... 

Death-bed Prayers, printed by 

Caxton ... 
Dedes, Robert 
Deguilleville, Guillaume de, 

Pilgrimage of the Soul ... 

Delff 

Denis de Leewis 

Description of Britain, The, 

printed by Caxton 
Development of Printing, ... 
Device, Caxton's ... 48, 

Devonshire, Duke of, Purchase 

of the Recuy ell ... 
Dictes and Sayings ...24, 65, 

70, 79, &6, 188, 221, 
Dictes and Sayings, printed 

by Caxton, 1st Edition, 

188; 2nd Edition, 221; 

3rd Edition 
Dictys Cretensis 
Dinner, Visitation of Mercers' 
Directorium, seu Pica Sarum, 

printed by Caxton 
Directorium Sacerdotum, una 

cum Defensorio ejusdem, 

item tractatus qui dicitur 

crede mihi, printed by 

Caxton... ... 319, 

Doctrinal de la foy Catholique 
Doctrinal of Sapience, The, 

printed by Caxton 



195 



250 
296 
180 
187 
172 
80 
227 
104 

285 
10 

259 

76 

186 

249 

38 

138 



348 

172 

76 

241 



345 
326 

324 



PAGE 

Domus Anglise ... ... 22 

Donatus, St. , Church of ... 50 

Douce, F 172 

Douce Collection ... ... 356 

Drapers, Merchant Adven- 
turers ... ... ... 18 

Durham Cathedral ... ... 351 

Dysart, Earl of ... ... 341 

Echard, Script. Ordin. Prae- 

dicat ... ... ... 351 

Edward III introduces cloth 

factories to England ... 2 

Edward IV, 3, 27, 28, 35, 

80, 87 

Elizabeth of Hungary, Saint, 

the Revelations of ... 365 

Ellis, Sir Henry 370 

Eneydos, printed by Caxton 

2, 74. 80, 346 

English, First Book in 

English Nation, The . . . 

Esterlings 

Essex, Earl of... 

Esteney, John, Abbot 
Westminster 

Eton College 

Eugenius III, Pope ... 

Evilmerodach, King ... 

Exeter 

Exeter College, Oxford, 



Eye, witch of ... 

Eyre, Thomas, husband of 
Elizabeth Large... 

Fables of ^Esop, the ; of 
Avian ; of Alfonse ; and 
of Poge, the Florentine, 
printed by Caxton 

Faits d'Armes, les 

Fait d'Armes et de Cheva 
lerie 

Fall of Princes 

Fame, the Book of, printed by 
Caxton 

Farmer's, Dr., Library 





170 




22 


22, 


192 




204 


of 






74 


179, 


230 




353 




233 


70 


215 


3°i> 


35o 



287 
335 

336 
347 

292 
241 



33o 



INDEX. 



PAGE 

Faron, Jean ... ... ... 174 

Fastolf, Sir John ... 81, 232 

Fayts of Arms and of Chiv- 
alry, The, printed by Cax- 

ton 80,335,338 

Felding Geoffrey, Mayor ... 17 
Festial, The (Liber Festialis) 
1st Edition, printed by 

Caxton 263, 331 

Festial, The (Liber Festialis) 
2nd Edition, printed by 
CaxtonK ... ... ... 356 

Fevre Ravne le 58 

Fifteen Oes, the, and other 
Prayers, printed by Cax- 
ton 352 

Figgins, V 108 

Filastre, Guillamne ... ... 172 

Fineschi Vincenzio ... ... 102 

Fishmongers, Merchant Ad- 
venturers... ... ... 18 

Flanders, Peace between Eng- 
land and ... ... ... 13 

Flemish goods prohibited ... 23 
Flemish settlers in England... 2 
Fostalf, John, Knight ... 19 1 

Founders' Company ... ... 18 

Four Last Things or Cordyale, 

printed by Caxton ... 216 

Four Sermons, printed by Cax- 
ton, 1st Edition,... ... 265 

Four Sermons, &c. (Quatuor 
Sermones, &c), printed 
by Caxton, 2nd Edi- 
tion 358 

Four Sons of Aymon, The, 

printed by Caxton ... 343 
Fowls, Parliament of, printed 

by Caxton ... ... 211 

Frankfort typefounders ... 1 07 
Franklin, Benjamin ... ... 108 

Freeman of London, Oath of 146 

Friskets 129 

Gairdner, Mr., Memorials of 

King Henry the Seventh 269 



Galiard, Messire 
Gall opes, Jean de 
Galiot du Pre ... 
Gedney, John... 
Geiffe, William 
Gering, Ulrich 
Gerson, Chancellor ... 
Gervers, M. ... 

Ghent 

Ghent, Public Library at 



PAGE 

... 197 
261, 318 
... 297 
II 
... 86 
... 367 
- 338 
... 29 
... 27 
••• 330 



Glass, The Temple of, printed 

by Caxton ... ... 208 

Gloucester, Humphrey, Duke 

of 30 

Godfrey of Bulloyn, printed 

by Caxton ... ... 83 

Godike, K 230 

Golden Fleece, order of ... 15 
Golden Legend, 65, 96 ; Co- 
pies left by Caxton to St. 
Margaret's, Westmin- 
ster, 86; 1st Edition, 
printed by Caxton, 280 ; 
2nd Edition, printed by 
Caxton, 310 ; 3rd Edi- 
tion 365 

Gossin, Jean ... ... 51, 227 

Gottingen, Royal University 

Library ... ... ... 208 

Governal of Health, The, 

printed by Caxton 340, 358 
Governor of English Mer- 
chants at Bruges — Duties 

of 20 

Guido of Colonna ... ... 172 

Granton, John ... ... 16 

Grenville Library ... ... 210 

Greyhounde, The ... 75, 76, 79 
Groote, Guerard le ... ... 16 

Gruthuyse, Louis de Bru- 
ges 35. 3 6 > 5° 

Guilds : — St. John the Evan- 
gelist, 37 ; St. Thomas-a- 
Becket, 18 ; Lady As- 
sumption, 77 ; Vassel 



INDEX. 



38i 



feasts, 78 ; Accounts, 78 : 
" Les Freres de la Plume ' : 
of Brussels, 37 ; St, 
Luke at Antwerp 

Hadlow 

Hague, Royal Library 

Halle, Robert . . . 

Hamburgh 

Ham House, Surrey 

Hansard, T. 0... 

Hanseatic League 

Hardwicke Hall 

Harrowe, John 

Hasted on Kent 



37 

3 

330 

147 

13 

304 

109 

192 

205 

148 

2 

24, 197, 229 
. . . 209 



10, 



of, 



Hawes ... 

Haywarde, a Scribe 
Health, The Governal 

printed by Caxton 
Hecht-Heinean Library, Hal 

berstadt . . . 
Hende, William 
Henricus, Rex 
Henry, Dr. 
Henry II 
Henry IV 
Henry VI 
Henry VII ... 
Heton, Christopher 
Heton, Jas. 
Higden's, Ralph, Polycroni- 

con Z5< 

History of Blanchardin and 

Eglantine, The, printed 

by Caxton 
History of Godfrey of Boloyne, 

The ; or the Conquest 

of Jerusalem, printed by 

Caxton 
Histoire du Chevalier Paris, 

et de la belle Vienne 
Holkham Library 
Holtrop's Monumens Typo- 

graphiques, Woodcut from 



191 



340 



.. 271 
.. 19 
•• 353 
• • 232 
.. 204 
.. 18 
, 36, 80 
.. 80 
10 
147 

249 



342 



252 

310 
198 

76 



Horse 



242, 320, 331, 352 



Horse, printed by Caxton, 
1st Edition, 191 ; 2nd 
Edition, 242 ; 3rd Edi- 
tion, 321 ; 4th Edition ... 332 
Horham, Manor of ... ... 9 

Horse, Shepe, and Ghoos, 
printed by Caxton, 66, 

205, 206 
House of the English Na- 
tion ... ... ... 22 

Hunter, Rev. Joseph... ... 223 

Illuminators ... .. . 95, 113, 134 

Image of Pity, printed by 

Caxton ... ... 322, 324 

Indenture of Apprentice ... 5 
Infancia Salvatoris, printed 

by Caxton ... ... 207 

Initials... ... ... 42, 135 

Ink for Printing ... ... 95 

Jackson on Wood Engrav- 
ing 137 

James, John, Typefounder ... 109 
Jason, English Edition by 
Caxton, 187 ; Erench 
Edition, 56, 60; 6^, 172, 178 
Jason, Derivation of Name 15 

Jean de Bruges ... ... 36 

Jersey, Earl of ... ... 306 

Jerusalem, Conquest of, or 
the History of Godfrey 
of Boloyne, printed by 

Caxton ... 252 

Joan of Arc ... ... ... 195 

John, Duke of Berry ... ... 34 

John II, King of France ... 33 
John Stubbes ... ... ... 28 

Jones, J. Winter. 182, 187, 215 
" Justification " : a Printer's 

term ... ... ... 44 

Karlemaine ... ... ... 307 

Katherine, Saint, the Life of, 

printed by Caxton . . . 365 

Kendal, John, Letters of 
Indulgence issued by, 
printed by Caxton 222, 223 



382 



INDEX. 



Kentish Dialect 

Kynge Apolyn of Thyre 

King Edward VI Grammar 
School, St. Alban's 

Knight of the Tower, the, 
Book to the ensaygne- 
ment and teaching of his 
Daughters, printed by 
Caxton ... ... 40, 8] 

Knight Paris, the, and the 
Fair Vienne, printed by 
Caxton 

Konnecke, Dr. G. 

Lambert, John 

Large, Alice, 11 ; Elizabeth, 
9, 11 ; Jone, 161 ; Jo- 
hanna, 9-1 1 ; Marries 
John Godnay, 11 ; John, 
5, 9, 148 ; Richard, 9 ; 
Robert, 147 ; a Mer- 
cer, 8 ; Sheriff and Lord 
Mayor, 8 ; Warden, 9 ; 
House in the Old Jewry, 
Account by Stow, 9 ; 
Family, 9 ; Death and 
Will, 9 ; Widow 

Large, Robert, his Will, 153— 
158 ; the younger, 5, 1 1 ; 
Thomas ... 

Latour-Landry 

Laurent, Frere 

Le Recueil des Histoires de 
Troye (see Recueil) 

Leeu Gerard ... ... i8£ 

Lefevre, Raoul 

Legenda Aurea 

Legends, Bequest from Cax- 
ton 

Legh-Gerard ... 

Legh, Stephen, M.P 

Legh, W. J., Esq 

Legrand, Jacques 

Leper Houses, Bequest to, 
by Large ... 

Letter to Caxton from Mercers 



PAGE 

2 
70 



243 



273 

308 
271 
150 



9, 11 

274 
324 

25 

. 309 

188 

282 

162 
188 
140 
368 
3i6 

10 
23 



254 



222 

94 
217 
318 
365 

369 



Letters of Indulgence from 

Johannes de Giglis, 

printed by Caxton 
Letters of Indulgence issued 

by John Kendal in 1481, 

printed by Caxton 
Lettou ... 

Lewis, Rev. John ... 91 

Life of Christ ... 
Life of Saint Katherine, The 
Life, The, and Miracles of 

Robert, Earl of Oxford ... 
Life, The, of the Holy Blessed 

Virgin, Saint Winifred, 

printed by Caxton 
Life, The, of the Noble and 

Christian Prince, Charles 

the Great, printed by 

Caxton 

Lilly, Mr 

Lincoln Cathedral 
Livre de Sapience 
Livre des bonnes Moeurs, le 
Livre des Vices et des Vertus 
Livre Royal, le 
Louis de Bruges 
Louis of Anjou 
Louvre Library 
Low Countries 
Lucidary, The... 
Lydgate, John ] 

211, 262, 
Lyf of our Lady, printed by 

Caxton ... 
Lyndewode's Constitutiones... 
Machlinia 
Madden, Sir F. 
Maittaire 

Mallet, Gilles 

Malory, Sir Thomas ... 
Manipulus Curatorum 
Mansion Colard . . . 36, 38, 

39, 42, 43, 45, 49, 51, 54, 

63, 67, 109, 179, 214, 253, 355 
Mansion Colard, a Skilful 



72, 206, 
299, 341 



306 

339 

28S 

326 

316 

323 

323 

35 

34 

33 

20 

37o 

354 

299 
... 370 

45, 339 
... 223 
... 217 
••• 33 
••• 305 
... 326 



INDEX. 



3*3 



Caligrapher, begins to 
Print, 68 ; his Connec- 
tion with Caxton, 54 ; 
Dean of the Guild of St. 
John, 50 ; Place of 
Residence and Work- 
shop, 51 ; Opinion by 
Bernard, 62 ; Peculiarity 
of his Printing, 52-54 ; 
the first Printer at 
Bruges ... ... ... 49 

Mansion, Paul and Robert ... 51 
Marchand, Guy ... ... 355 

Margaret (of Flanders) ... 34 

Margaret, Que^ia ... ... 284 

Margaret's, St.," Westminster, 
Records, 4, 31, 77-79, 

85, 163 
Margarita Eloquentiae, Fra- 
tris Laurentii Gulielmi 
de Saona, printed by 
Caxton ... ... ... 218 

Marise Virginis Servitium 
de Visitatione, printed 
by Caxton . ... 267 

Marot Jean .. . . ... 337 

Marshall, J 151 

Marten, Walter $6 

Marte Townes, Apprentices 

sent to the ... ... 14 

Martin, St. Otewich 75 

Maskell, Mr. ... 322, 332 

Maydestone, Clement ... 320 

Maynyal, W. ... 140, 367 

Medicina Stomachi, printed 

by Caxton ... 340, 341 

Meditacions sur les Sept 
Pseaulmes Penitenciaulx, 
printed by Caxton ... 179 

Mercer's Company 5, 8, 16, 

28, 75, 76, 145 
Merchant Adventurers, their 
Institution, Object, and 



Meun, Jean le 


PAGE 

336 


Middleton, Dr. 


321 


Mielot, Jean ... 


187, 232 


Mirkus, John ... 


264 



Charters 



15-19, 21, 24 



Metamorphoses of Ovid 



51 



Mirrour of the World, printed 
by Caxton, 1st Edition, 
226 ; 2nd Edition ... 234 

Missale ad Usum Sarum, 

printed for Caxton ... 366 

Montaiglon, M. 276 

Moral Distichs, printed by 

Caxton ... ... ... 199 

Moral Proverbs, printed by 

Caxton ... ... ... 194 

Mores, Rowe ... ... ... 109 

Moule, Bib. Herald ... ... 290 

Mountfort, Symoni ... ... 222 

Moxon, Joseph ... 105, 109 

National Library, Paris ... 355 
Neche, Thomas ... 10, 148 

Nichols, J. G 76 

Noblesse, Declamation of ... 230 

North, Mr 220 

Nouns, Substantive, and 
Verbs, The proper appli- 
cation of certain, printed 
by Caxton . . . 205, 206 

Nugent, Dr. ... ... ... 321 

Nyche, Thomas 147 

Obray, William, Governor 
of the English Mer- 
chants ... ... ...19, 21 

Old Age, Tully of 330 

Oldys 228 

Onkmanton, Henry ... 10, 148 

Order of Chivalry, The, 

printed by Caxton ... 289 

Orford, Lord ... ... ... 217 

Orologium Sapientise ... 351 

Osborne ... ... ... 208 

Ottley 128, 135 

Ovid, Metamorphoses of 90, 368 
Oxford, Robert, Earl of 208, 369 
Palmer, Samuel ... ... 109 

Paper, its Value, 102 ; its 



3§4 



INDEX. 



Watermarks, 98 ; Large - 
Paper Copies, 97 ; Paper 
Mill, 96 ; the kind used 

by Caxton ... ... 97 

Paris, M 172, 214 

Parker, Archbishop ... 105, 220 

Pannartz ... ... ... 84 

Pannizzi, Sir Anthony ... 106 

Pegge, Dr 3 

Pembroke College, Cam- 
bridge ... ... ... 273 

Pepysian 235, 342, 350, 368, 369 

Perkin Warbeck ... ... 223 

Perrot, Thomas ... ... 27 

Peterborough, Earl of ... 253 
Petrus Carmelianus, Sex 
Epistolse, printed by 

Caxton ... ... ... 268 

Petzholdt, Dr. Julius ... 271 
Philadelphia, Loganian Li- 
brary ... ... ... 285 

Pica Sarum, seu Directorium, 

printed by Caxton ... 241 

Pica, type of printers ... 240 
Pilgrimage of the Soul, The, 

printed by Caxton ... 259 

Pins, Jean de .. . ... ... 310 

Pisan, Christine de ... ... 336 

Poge, the Florentine, the 
Pables of, printed by 

Caxton ... ... ... 287 

Polycronicon, printed by 

Caxton 65, 89, 256 

Portraits of Caxton ... ... 90 

Pratt, William 17, 75, 81, 316 
Prayers, Death-bed, printed 

by Caxton ... ... 285 

Premierfait, Laurence de ... 231 

Preste, Simon... ... ... 24 

Psalter, the Pirst 44 

Psalterium, &c, printed by 

Caxton ... ... ... 243 

Purgatoire des mauvais 

Maris 63 

Pye, The, a Tenement ... 75 



PAGE 

Pye, a collection of rules . . . 240 
Pykering, John, 151 ; Suc- 
cessor to Caxton as 
Governor of the English 
Nation, 21 ; summoned 
before the Court of the 
Mercers, and discharged 
from his office ... ... 21 

Pynson, Richard ... 94, 295 

Quadrilogue, Le, by Colard 

Mansion 67, 179 

Quaternion, Meaning of 132, 168 
Quatre derrennieres Choses 

56, 61, 63, 64, 67, 68, 185, 330 
Queen's College, Oxford ... 273 
Quinternion, Meaning of ... 168 
Pawlett's Library, Tamworth 284 
Recto, Meaning of ... ... 168 

Recueil, Le, des Histories de 
Troye ... 25, 60, 63, 

65, 68, 171 
Recuyell, The, of the His- 
tories of Troye 26-28, 

31, 41, 56-60, 63, 68, 104 
Redeknape Esmond ... ... 17 

Redeknape W 17, 19, 151 

Red-Pale, The 75, 80 

Red Ink, Curious use of, by 

Caxton and Mansion ... 185 
Regimen Sanitatis Salerni- 

tanum ... ... ... 341 

Reglets... ... ... ... 123 

Reinaert die Vos, die Historie 

Van 230 

Revelations of Saint Eliza- 
beth of Hungary ... 365 
Reynard the Fox, History of, 
printed by Caxton, 1st 
Edition, 229 ; 2nd Edi- 
tion ... ... ... 341 

Rhodes, The Siege of... 223, 366 

Richard III 80, 198, 290 

Richmond, Margaret, Coun- 
tess of ... ... ... 80 

Ripon Minster ... 215, 263 



INDEX. 



335 



PAGE 

Ripoli Press 102, 106 

Pvitson, 201 ; Bib. Poet ... 205 
Rivers, Anthoine, Earl of, 
24, 28, 80, 217 ; trans- 
lated the Dictes ... ... 189 

Robert, Monk of Shrewsbury 302 
Rock, Canon, D.D. ... ... 240 

Roger, Monk of St. Werberg 257 
Roman Types ... ... ... 43 

Romans, Les, de la Table 
Ronde et les Contes des 
anciens Bretons ... ... 305 

Romuleon, written by Colard 

Mansion ... ... ... 50 

Rood of Oxford 265 

Rotherham, Bishop ... ... 242 

Roxburgh Club ... 207, 210 

Royal Book, the, or Book 
for a King, printed by 

Caxton 322, 368 

Roye, Guy de ... ... ... 326 

Rubrisher, The 135 

Rule of St. Benet, The, 

printed by Caxton, 350, 351, 355 
Russell, John, Bishop of 
Lincoln, 24, 197, 228 ; 
his " Propositio," printed 
by Caxton ... ... 196 

Ryolle, William 86 

Sacerdotum Directorium, 

printed by Caxton ... 345 

Salisbury Missal 367 

Salve Regina, printed by 

Caxton 199 

Saona, Fratris Laurentii 
Gulielmi de, Marga- 
rita Eloquentise, printed 
by Caxton ... 218, 220 

Scala Coeli 326 

Scales, Lord ... ... 24, 197 

Scriptorium of Westminster 

Abbey 74 

Scrivers ... ... ... 134 

Scroope, Archbishop ... ... 321 

Selle, John 16 



Seven Points, The, of True 
Love and Everlasting 
Wisdom, or Orologium 
Sapientise, printed by 
Caxton ... ... ... 350 

Sermons, Four, printed by 

Caxton 265, 358 

Sermons of Vitriaco, The ... 326 
Servitium de Transfigura- 
tione Jhesu Christi, 
printed by Caxton . . . 330 

Servitium de Visitatione B. 
Mariae Virginis, printed 
by Caxton ... 267, 331 

Sex perelegantissimae Epis- 
tolas per Petrum Car- 
melianum Emendatse, 
printed by Caxton . . . 268 

Shakspere, W 172, 298 

Shrewsbury, John Talbot, 

Earl of 336 

Siege of Rhodes ... 220, 366 

Signatures ... ... 41, 42 

Sixtus IV, Pope ... 197, 220 
Skogan, John, Envoy of 
Chaucer to, printed by 
Caxton ... ... ... 211 

Sloane, Sir Hans ... ... 310 

Sluis, The Port of, Bruges ... 26 
Smithfield, Jousts in . . . ... 12 

Smith, John ... ... ... 109 

Somerset, Margaret, Duchess 

of ; 343 

Somme de Roi, La ; or, La 
Somme des Vices et des 

Vertus ... ... ... 323 

Sophologiuin ... ... ... 316 

Sotheby, S. Leigh 102 

Soushavie, or Souabe, Jehan 351 

Southey, Robert 305 

Spacing 44 

Speculum Historiale ... ... 307 

Speculum Vitae Christi, 
printed by Caxton, 1st 

Edition, 316; 2nd Edition 328 

2 B 



3 86 



INDEX. 



St. Alban's, the Printer 
Schoolmaster of, 45, 219 ; 
Grammar School, 215, 
241, 242 ; St. Alban's 
Chronicle ... 

St. Benet's Chapel, West- 
minster ... 

St. James of Compostella 

St. John's College, Cambridge 

St. John's College, Oxford, 
225, 248 

St. John's Hospital of Jeru- 
salem 

St. John the Evangelist, 
Guild of 

St. Martin's Otewich... 

St. Olave, Old Jewry 

St. Omer, Proposed Conven- 
tion at 

Stans Puer ad Mensam, 
printed by Caxton 66, 

Stanzas, various, printed by 
Caxton 

Star Chamber Decree 

Statutes of Henry 
printed by Caxton 

Staunton, Thos. 

Steel Yard 

Steevens, G. ... 

Stomachi Medicina, 
by Caxton 

Stow, John G. 

Stower, C. 

Streete, Randolph 

Strete, Hundred of .. 

Stubbes, John ... 

Styles, Old and New, 
Year 

Suso, Henry de 

Sutton, John ... 

Surigo, Stephen 

Surse, Pistoie ... 

Sweynheim and Pannartz 

Tate, John 

Temple of Brass, The, 



248 

214 
189 
349 

347 
174 

37 

152 

10 

23 
199 







205 




io5 


VII, 






339 




147 


22, 78, 


192 


rvrivi 'hpn 


172 


JL IXIUGVL 


340 


... 


250 




109 


10, 147, 


148 




10 


3i, 


149 


in the 






56 






35i 






19 






214 






232 


tz 4; 


I, 84 


1 


33. 


151 



PAGE 

printed by Caxton, 1st 

Edition, 208 ; 2nd Edition 211 

Terms, Explanation of ... 168 

Ternion, Meaning of ... 132, 168 

Thomassy, Raimond ... ... 195 

Thorn ey, Poger ... ... 253 

Timperley, C. H 109 

Title Pages 45 

Tractatus de ymagine mundi 228 

Trade Marks of Printers ... 76 
Trades, List of, in the Guild 
of St. John the Evan- 

' gelist 37 

Trading Guilds ... ... 17 

Treatise of Love, A, printed 

by Caxton ... ... 258 

Treatise on Hunting and 

Hawking... ... ... 338 

Treaty of Trade, Commission 

for Renewal of ... ... 22 

Tree of Battailes 337 

Treveris, Peter ... ... 94 

Troilus and Creside by Shak- 

spere ... ... ... 172 

Trojan War ... ... ... 172 

Troy, Siege of... ... ... 172 

Trinity College, Cambridge ... 347 

Trinity College, Dublin . . . 222 
Troylus and Creside, printed 

by Caxton ... ... 297 

Tully of Old Age ; Tully 
of Friendship ; The De- 
clamation of Noblesse, 

printed by Caxton . . . 230 

Turnat, Richard ... ... 10 

Twelve Profits of Tribulation, 

The, printed by Caxton 350 

Tympans ... ... ... 130 

Typefounding 104 

Type, No. 1, Books printed in, 

described... ... 169-182 

Type, No. 2 64, 112 

Type, No. 3 114, 115 

Type, No. 5 118 

Type, No. 6 119 



INDEX. 



337 



PAGE 

Types ..." 43, 104, 109 

Upsala, University Library ... 22 1 
Utrecht, Old Records ... 25 

Vaghan, Thomas ... ... 197 

Valerius, Maximus ... ... 50 

Van Praet, M. 37, 50, 51, 179 

Vegetius, De re militari ... 336 
Vellum used for Caxton's 

books ... ... ... 103 

Vento, Jeronimo ... ... 160 

Verard, Antoine ... 338, 355 
Verso, meaning of ... ... 168 

Vienna, Imperial Library, 

235. 253, 295 
Vignay, Jehan de ... 174, 283 
Vignoles, Bernard de ... 223 

Vins d'honneur ... ... 27 

Vitae Patrum 85 

Vocabulary in French and Eng- 
lish, printed by Caxton ... 262 
Wagstaffe, Bishop ... ... 321 

Walbrook, Watercourse of ... 10 
Walpole, Horace ... ... 196 

Warde, John ... ... ... 150 

Warwick, Earl of ... 23, 27, 80 
Watermarks in Caxton's books 98 



PAGE 

Watson, James ... ... 109 

Weald of Kent I 

Westminster, 70 ; Abbots of, 

74; Wool-staple, at ... 77 

Whitehill, Sir Richard ... 22 

Whetyngton, Quit Rents ... 152 

Wideville, Richard 161 

Wilson, Joshua, Esq.... ... 331 

Winchester, Earl of ... ... 35 

Windsor, Royal Library . . . 289 
Winifred, Life of Saint, prin- 
ted by Caxton ... ... 301 

Wright, Thomas, Mr. ... 305 

Wool-staple at Westminster 77 
Worde, Wynken de, 45, 75, 
94 ; His blunders, 64, 
66 ; Various ways he 

spelt his name ... ... 66 

Wyche, Hewe... ... 28, 31, 149 

Wyche, Richard, burnt ... 12 
Year. Old and new style of 
reckoning in England and 

Flanders ... 56 

York, Cathedral Library 207, 210 

Zanetti... ... ... ... 102 

Zel, Ulric 44, 62, 63 



? 



